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조민 씨 (조국 법무부 장관 장녀)

김어준 뉴스공장에서는 오래전부터 조국 장관 딸 조민 씨 인터뷰를 요청해 왔었습니다오늘 조민 씨를 직접 만나 보겠습니다안녕하세요.

조민 안녕하세요.

김어준 오랜 시간 고민하다가 나오신 것이고 본인이 하고 싶은 이야기가 있어서 나오신 것이긴 한데저희도 궁금한 게 있어서 그걸 먼저 여쭤보겠습니다현재 검찰 수사가 진행 중이라 수사가 진행 중인 사안에 대해서는 사실 관계에 대해서 제가 묻지 않겠고수사 대상이 아닌 것 중에 사실 관계를 확인하고 싶은 몇 가지가 있어요그래서 제가 여쭤보겠습니다먼저 압수수색이 있었던 날이요어머니가 쓰러졌다는 이야기가 있었고그러자 검찰은 보도된 워딩을 그대로 옮기자면 순 거짓말이고 허위” 라고 반발했었어요본인이 현장에 있었기 때문에 사실 관계를 확인해 보려고 하는데 어머니가 그때 쓰러진 건 사실인가요?

조민 저는 제 방에 있었는데요검은 상의를 입은 수사관 한 분이 제 방으로 오셔서 어머니가 쓰러졌으니 물을 좀 떠다 줘야 할 것 같다. 119를 불러야 할 수도 있겠다.” 이렇게 말씀을 해서 저는 물을 떠다 드렸고 제가 어머니 방으로 갔을 때는 어머니가 의식을 되찾으시고 이제 기자들이 밖에 많으니 119는 부르지 말아라소동을 일으키고 싶지 않다.” 그렇게 말씀을 하셔서 어머니는 방에서 쉬셨습니다.
김어준 그러면 당시 현장을 본 사람들이 있었을 거 아닙니까?

조민 변호사님도 거기 계셨고 현장에 다 계셨습니다.

김어준 그런데도 검찰 쪽에서 쓰러졌다는 것은 거짓말이다.” 이런 보도가 나온 걸 보고 무슨 생각을 했어요?

조민 이런 보도는 사실 익숙해졌습니다그냥 검찰이 나쁜 사람으로 비치는 게 싫었나 보다그 정도로 이해하고 있습니다.

김어준 그래요한 가지 더 여쭤보겠습니다최근에 채널A에서 그대로 제목을 읽자면 조국 딸검찰 진술서에서 집에서 서울대 인턴 했다’ 는 보도가 있었어요아마 봤을 텐데실제 검찰이 가서 관련 내용에 대해서 어떻게 진술했는지는 제가 묻지 않겠어요한 가지만 확인하고 싶어서 제가 이걸 묻는 건데 집에서 서울대 인턴 했다’ 따옴표 안에 들어가 있는 이런 말을 한 적은 있습니까?

조민 없습니다.

김어준 비슷한 취지의 말을 한 적은?

조민 전혀 없습니다.

김어준 전혀 없어요?

조민 .

김어준 동양대 최성해 총장님 아시죠?

조민 .

김어준 어느 정도로 아십니까?

조민 가족끼리 식사한 적도 있고동양대에 제가 갔을 때 방으로 부르셔서 용돈 주신 적도 있고요저를 되게 예뻐하셨고 어머니랑도 가까운 사이였던 걸로 알고 있습니다.

김어준 아니동양대 갔을 당시 총장실로 불러서 방으로 불러서 따로 용돈을 줬다예뻐했다이건 기억 못하기가 힘든데그 정도면 당시 봉사활동이 있었다는 건 당연히 아는 게 자연스러운데왜냐하면 왜 왔냐고 물어봤을 테니까그리고 표창장도 아셔야 자연스러운 것 같은데그런데 지금 총장님은 봉사활동 자체가 없었다표창장 관련해서는 어머니가 허락을 얻었다고 주장하는데 여기에 대해서 총장님은 그런 적이 없다고 부인하고 있거든요.

조민 제 생각이 있긴 있는데그걸 지금 밝힐 수는 없을 것 같습니다.

김어준 알겠습니다현재 수사 중인 사건 관련이니까그러면 이렇게 본인이 하지 않은 말이나 하지 않은 행동에 대한 보도가 나오는 상황이 계속 이어지는데 이런 상황을 어떻게 버팁니까?

조민 처음에는 많이 억울했습니다그래서 하루 종일 울기도 했고 그랬는데 이제는 꼭 이겨내자고 매일 다짐하고 있습니다.

김어준 알겠습니다여기까지는 오신 김에 제가 너무 궁금해서 여쭤본 거고요그리고 이건 사건 관련된 질문은 아니고 제가 궁금해서 여쭤보는 건데왜냐하면 뉴스공장에서 오래전부터 인터뷰 요청을 했었는데 그동안 고사하시다가 어제 한국일보와 인터뷰가 나왔어요.

조민 그건 저와 단독 인터뷰를 했다고 나갈 줄은 사실 몰랐습니다이게 가족 측 입장으로 반영되는 건 줄 알고 제가 설명한 거였는데.

김어준 이해가 됐어요인터뷰 자청한 것이 아니다언론이 그럴 때가 있어요전후사정을 자세히 묻지는 않겠는데 여하간 가족 측 입장으로 반영되는 건 줄 알고 했는데 그것이 단독 인터뷰가 됐다알겠고요이제 언론 이야기가 나와서 제가 하는 말인데지금 언론이 24시간 가족들을 뒤쫓고 있다이렇게 표현할 수 있을 것 같은데 힘들지 않습니까?

조민 그게 그분들 직업이니까.

김어준 그게 이해가 가요보통 괴로운 일이 아닌데.

조민 괴롭죠괴롭습니다.

김어준 그런 언론에 대해서 할 말은 없어요?

조민 제 온 가족이 언론의 사냥감이라고 할까요그렇게 된 것 같습니다개인적으로는 좀 잔인한 것 같다는 생각을 하고 있습니다.

김어준 잔인하죠굉장히 잔인한데언론에 더 할 말은 없어요?

조민 그만하겠습니다.

김어준 어머니가 소환이 됐습니다하고 싶은 이야기가 있을 텐데요.

조민 저희 어머니 건강 상태가 좀 많이 안 좋습니다예전에 대형사고 후유증으로 항상 힘들어하셨었는데 최근에 좀 이번 일로 악화가 된 상황이어서 걱정이 많이 되고요그런데 이런 이야기를 하는 것도 조금 눈치가 보이네요엄살 부린다고 할까 봐.

김어준 엄살 피운다고 할까 봐그렇게 보는 사람들도 있죠야멸차죠아주인터뷰를 결심하신 이유가 있을 텐데결심하시면서 오늘 꼭 밝히고 싶다 하는 입장이 있다고 들었는데 그게 뭡니까?

조민 제가 제 대학이랑 제 대학원 입학 취소가 가능할 수도 있다는 그런 기사도 보았고그리고 검찰에서 저를 표창장 위조나 아니면 입시 방해로 기소를 할 수도 있겠다는 그런 생각이 들었습니다저는 봉사활동이나 인턴을 하고 나서 받은 것을 학교에다가 제출했습니다위조를 한 적도 없습니다그런데 주변에서는 어머니가 수사를 받고 있는 저를 보호하려고 자신이 하지도 않은 그런 일들도 다 했다고 할 수도 있다고 많이 합니다그래서 저는 어머니께 말씀을 드렸는데그렇게 하지 마시라고어머니한테 저는 자식이니까그래서 제 나름대로 걱정이 많이 되어서 나오게 됐습니다.

김어준 그러니까 그 걱정은 어머니가 수사받는 과정에서 검찰이 딸에게 두는 혐의가 있는데 어머니가 딸을 걱정해서 본인이 그 혐의들을 다 그냥 안고 가 버리고 그 과정에서 하지도 않은 일을 했다고 해 버릴까 하는 그런 걱정을 하시게 됐다그래도 그럴지도 모른다는 우려가 있었던 거예요그래서 굳이 나오신 거예요?

조민 그러니까 제가 아무리 말을 해도 정작 어머니께서 수사를 받으시면서 그렇게 해 버릴까 봐 좀 걱정이 많이 되고 어떻게 이걸 막을 수 있을까 고민을 하다가 이 방법밖에 없겠다는 생각이 들어서 나오게 되었고그래서 이 자리를 빌려서 저는 좀 상관이 없으니 그런 생각을 하지 말라고 좀 공개적으로 밝히고 싶어서 나왔습니다.

김어준 그런데 그러다가 본인이 기소되고 대학원이나 대학 입학 취소되고 그래서 본인이 고졸이 되면 어떻게 해요?

조민 그러면 정말 억울하죠제 인생 10년 정도가 사라지는 거니까요그런데 저는 고졸 돼도 상관없다고 생각하고 있습니다시험은 다시 치면 되고서른에 의사가 못 되면 마흔에 되면 된다고 생각합니다그리고 의사가 못 된다고 하더라도 제가 이 사회에서 다른 일을 할 수 있다고도 생각을 하고 있고요그런데 어머니가 하지 않은 일로 저 때문에 책임을 지는 것은 견딜 수가 없습니다.

김어준 본인이 정말 고졸이 돼도 상관이 없어요?

조민 상관없습니다.

김어준 이런 정도 인터뷰면 부모님과 상의해야 되는 것 같은데 부모님께 인터뷰한다고 알리셨습니까?

조민 제가 아버지한테 인터뷰를 한다고 했더니 아버지가 반대가 굉장히 심하셔서 오늘은 물어보지 않고 그냥 왔습니다어차피 반대하실 거 알고 있기 때문에부모님께는 제가 항상 그냥 어린 딸이기 때문에 걱정이 많으신데 저는 이제 성인이기도 하고 그리고 이것은 제 일이기도 합니다그래서 이 부분은 부모님을 통하지 않고 제 입장을 제가 직접 알리고 싶었습니다.

김어준 어머니는 이 모든 상황을 어떻게 받아들이십니까어머니는 사실 지금 보도된 바로는 영장이 청구되고 그리고 또 혹시 발부될 수도 있는 그런 상황이에요어머니는 이런 상황을 어떻게 받아들이시죠?

조민 영장 발부를 생각하면 정말 끔찍한데언론 보도만 보면 어머니는 이미 유죄인 것처럼 보이더라고요그런데 어머니는 이제 어머니의 진실을 법정에서 꼭 밝히실 거라고 생각하고 있습니다.

김어준 알겠습니다그런데 본인까지 만약에 기소가 되면 지금까지와는 전혀 다른 평범한 학생이 아닌 삶을 살 수도 있어요.

조민 그렇게 된다면 저도 법정에서 최선을 다해서 진실을 밝히려고 노력할 것이고제 삶도 이제 새로 개척해 나갈 것입니다.

김어준 어머니는 본인이 처한 상황 관련해서 아버지한테는 뭐라고 하십니까?

조민 본인은 괜찮으니까 포기하지 말라고 하십니다.

김어준 아버지는 공인이시니까 아버지에 관한 입장은 따로 묻지 않겠습니다그런데 이제 이런 가족 해명을 믿지 않는 분들이 있을 텐데그분들에게 혹시 하실 말씀이 있으세요?

조민 없습니다안 했다고 해도 믿지 않을 테니까요그리고 그냥 저는 오늘 제 결심과 제 입장만 알려 드리려고 나왔습니다감사합니다.

김어준 알겠습니다굉장히 담백한 분이시네요어려운 결심그리고 인터뷰 감사드리고요또 스튜디오에서 뵙게 될지는 모르겠는데 오늘 인터뷰 정말 감사합니다.

조민 감사합니다

Wishing for a Tank-Free Fourth By Gail Collins July 3, 2019

Wishing for a Tank-Free Fourth
It could be worse. There’s always James Buchanan.
By Gail Collins
July 3, 2019

Happy Fourth of July, everybody. I want you to have a great day. No moaning about the state of the nation.

Don’t obsess about Donald Trump! It’s true he thought watching a bunch of tanks roll through Washington, D.C., would be a great way of celebrating our national character. Fortunately, it turned out the city streets couldn’t support his vision. The military came up with a compromise, dragging in tanks and other tanklike vehicles on flatbed trucks, in a very expensive show totally unrelated to their actual function.

Some people might think of this as a metaphor for the whole Trump administration. Feel free. It’s Independence Day.

This is a moment when we’re meant to think about our founding fathers, and it’s good to remember the warts along with the heroics. We celebrate Thomas Jefferson as the author of the Declaration of Independence, who risked everything to throw off the yoke of British tyranny. But he was also a rich kid who inherited a fortune from his father and then lost most of it due to business ineptitude.

Pause to contemplate whether that reminds you of anybody we know.

The Declaration of Independence was actually written by a committee of five — besides Jefferson there was John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman of Connecticut and Robert Livingston of New York. Franklin was 70 at the time — younger than Joe Biden! We don’t remember much about the last two, and perhaps you could look them up as a holiday project.

As a start, I can tell you they were both great citizens who would never have staged a parade in their own honor with taxpayer money.

Besides being a military hero, George Washington set the country on its course to democracy by quashing talk about making him king after the Revolution and refusing to allow his fellow citizens to call him “Your Excellency.”

We will stop here for a second to recall that Donald Trump’s friendship with Kim Jong-un got a big boost when Kim wrote Trump a letter referring to him as “Your …” Well, you can guess.

Although Trump has taken only a few steps into North Korea, he must have seen those massive military parades in Kim’s honor and maybe gotten a little jealous. Back in 2017, when he made his first official visit to France, Trump was wowed when he got to join President Emmanuel Macron reviewing the Bastille Day parade. There was something about all those guys with guns marching past you.

We’ve been careening toward tankification ever since. It’s really a shame he didn’t start his presidency with a visit to Indonesia, where they celebrate Independence Day with pole-climbing contests.

Trump is sort of the anti-George Washington, a president who thinks everything should be about him, including holidays. Last year, when he was asked the traditional Thanksgiving question about what he was most grateful for, the answer almost instantly turned to, um, himself. (“I’ve made a tremendous difference in the country. This country is so much stronger now than it was when I took office that you wouldn’t believe it.”)

Well, he did pardon the turkeys.

Maybe we should feel lucky that the special parade plans weren’t a lot worse. Imagine the possibilities. We could have Ivanka skipping along in front, tossing flowers to the common folk while Jared follows behind on a leash.

The president doesn’t think the whole affair is going to be very expensive — after all, the government already has a bunch of tanks and planes. “All we need is the fuel,” explained the man whose first term is going to run up a $5 trillion deficit.

We’ve had Independence Day celebrations at the White House since Jefferson’s time, and some have worked out better than others. In 1845, when James Polk was president, wayward fireworks killed two bystanders. Polk was not really a lucky guy. When he was a teenager, he was operated on for a urinary stone removal without anesthetics, and it’s possible the procedure left him impotent. I am telling you all this as a reminder that there’s a whole lot more to our national history than military hardware.

Exactly 50 years after the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson and John Adams died on the same day. They had been huge rivals, but in retirement they started exchanging letters and became friends. It’s a lovely story, right? And I believe it’s true, even though it was a lot easier to manipulate political legends back in the days before the Freedom of Information Act, which was signed into law on July 4, 1966.

We’ve had a lot of great moments and national heroes, but the best thing about the American story is how we’ve moved forward even through totally terrible administrations. This is a country that elected Washington, Lincoln and Franklin Roosevelt. But it also survived Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce and Warren Harding.

Enjoy the fireworks and drink a toast to awful presidents. If we got through James Buchanan, Andrew Johnson and Watergate, we can probably get through anything.

Which is pretty much our current challenge.

Happy Independence Day.

Democrats Childishly Resist Trump’s North Korea Efforts - By Nicholas Kristof

https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/06/opinion/north-korea-summit-trump-kim.html?emc=edit_th_180607&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=599149230607

June 6, 2018

Shock! Horror! President Trump is actually doing something right.

Sadly, Democrats in Congress are responding in a quite Trumpian way: They seem more concerned with undermining him than supporting a peace process with North Korea. They are on the same side as National Security Adviser John Bolton, quietly subverting attempts to pursue peace.

While international security is complicated, here’s a rule of thumb: When you find yourself on the same side as Bolton, go back and re-examine your position.

Sure, we all wish that Trump treated Justin Trudeau or Angela Merkel with the respect that he now shows Kim Jong-un. Yes, it seems that Trump has been played by Kim. Yet another way of putting it is that Trump is finally investing in the kind of diplomatic engagement that he used to denounce, and that we should all applaud.

Trump’s newfound pragmatism is infinitely preferable to the threat of nuclear war that used to hang over all of us, so it’s mystifying to see Democrats carping about any possible North Korea deal.

“Any deal that explicitly or implicitly gives North Korea sanctions relief for anything other than the verifiable performance of its obligations to dismantle its nuclear and missile arsenal is a bad deal,” seven Democratic senators, including Chuck Schumer, warned in a letter to Trump this week.

The letter also insisted on “anywhere, anytime” inspections of suspected North Korean nuclear sites, as well as those linked to its chemical and biological warfare programs.

It’s almost unimaginable that North Korea will allow such intrusive inspections — any country would resist having an enemy poke around its military bases, underground bomb shelters and border fortifications. So these Democrats are essentially saying that no plausible deal will pass muster.

“The Democrats have gone overboard in the conditions they listed in the letter,” said Joel Wit, a North Korea watcher at the Stimson Center in Washington. “If they’re serious, it’s a prescription for failure because no one could achieve the conditions. It’s maybe payback for everything they were dealt in the Iran deal.”

“It’s like role reversal,” Wit added. “For years Democrats criticized Republicans for not wanting to engage North Korea. Now that Republicans want to engage North Korea, the Democrats are preparing to criticize them.”

Aside from Schumer, the Democratic senators who signed the letter are Sherrod Brown, Richard Durbin, Dianne Feinstein, Patrick Leahy, Robert Menendez and Mark Warner.

I appreciate that it’s galling for Democrats to see Trump present himself as a great strategist who has forced North Korea to knuckle under. White House aide Larry Kudlow boasted on Fox News: “North Korea coming to the negotiating table has a lot do with President Trump’s very firm stand.”

Poppycock. North Korean leaders have been eager for decades to meet with an American president; it’s just that no previous president agreed for fear of legitimizing the regime. It’s actually Trump who has made stunning compromises — holding a get-acquainted summit with Kim without any prospect of near-term denuclearization.

The real hero here is South Korea’s president, Moon Jae-in, who shrewdly used the Olympics to kick-start the peace process. Trump and Kim won’t get a Nobel Peace Prize, but if the peace process survives, Moon will be a worthy recipient.

For decades, especially after Bill Clinton’s 1994 “Agreed Framework” with North Korea, it was conservative Republicans who were the spoilers on nuclear deals with North Korea and Iran alike.

This G.O.P. petulance was bad for America. Bolton helped kill the Agreed Framework, so that North Korea hugely expanded its weapons program. Similar petulance led Trump and Bolton to try to destroy the Iran nuclear deal this spring; as a result, Iran this week announced that it was increasing its uranium enrichment capacity. Boy, that went well.

Now a similar partisan petulance seems to be turning some Democrats into spoilers. Trump’s engagement with North Korea has been chaotic and should have begun with working-level talks, but it’s still better for leaders to exchange handshakes than missiles.

Granted, there’s plenty of reason to be nervous about Trump’s deal making with North Korea, and plans can still collapse. How will Trump manage Kim when he can’t even manage a summit with the Philadelphia Eagles?

Still, even if North Korea won’t hand over nuclear weapons in the next few years, I can imagine it committing in coming months to a sustained moratorium on nuclear tests and long-range missile tests, on production of plutonium and uranium fuel, on transfer of nuclear technology to other countries, such as Syria. North Korea might also destroy an ICBM or two and accept inspectors at its nuclear sites in Yongbyon. Trump and Kim might agree to exchange liaison offices and to declare peace on the Korean Peninsula.

North Korea might well cheat, and these are half-steps, not rapid denuclearization. But half-steps toward peace are better than full strides toward war.

Overlooked No More: Yu Gwan-sun, a Korean Independence Activist Who Defied Japanese Rule



Overlooked No More: Yu Gwan-sun, a Korean Independence Activist Who Defied Japanese Rule

When a call for peaceful protests came in spring 1919, a schoolgirl became the face of a nation’s collective yearning for freedom.

Yu Gwan-sun took an active part in the March 1, 1919, independence movement against Japanese colonial rule in Korea. Dying in prison at 17, she became a national hero.

By Inyoung Kang      March 28, 2018

Since 1851, obituaries in The New York Times have been dominated by white men. With Overlooked, we’re adding the stories of remarkable people.

SEOUL, South Korea — When a call for peaceful protests in support of Korean independence came in spring 1919, a 16-year-old girl named Yu Gwan-sun became the face of a nation’s collective yearning for freedom.

Yu was a student at Ewha Haktang in Seoul, which was established by American missionaries as the first modern educational institution for women in Korea. On March 1, 1919, Yu and four classmates joined others taking to the streets with cries of “Mansei!” (“Long live Korean independence!”) in one of the earliest protests against Japanese colonial rule. Amid the demonstration, the Declaration of Independence — written by the publisher Choe Nam-seon and signed by 33 Korean cultural and religious leaders — was recited at Seoul’s Pagoda Park.

The next day, protest organizers came to Ewha Haktang and encouraged Yu and her peers to join a student demonstration to be staged in three days. On March 5, she and her classmates marched at Namdaemun, a gate in central Seoul. They were detained by the Japanese authorities, but missionaries from the school negotiated their release.

The colonial government retaliated quickly, ordering all schools closed on March 10. A few days later, Yu returned to her hometown, Cheonan, about 53 miles south of Seoul in South Chungcheong Province, with a smuggled copy of the Declaration of Independence. She went from village to village spreading word of the Samil (literally “three-one,” or March 1) Movement and rallying local residents to organize their own protests.

The movement quickly took hold. Early on April 1, 3,000 people gathered at Aunae, a marketplace in Cheonan. Yu was there, distributing homemade taegeukgi, or Korean national flags, and giving speeches calling for independence. The Japanese military police arrived and fired on the crowd, killing 19 people. Yu’s parents were among the dead.

By the time the authorities quashed the protests a few weeks later, an estimated two million people out of a population of 20 million had participated in 1,542 pro-independence marches, according to Djun Kil Kim, author of “The History of Korea.” More than 7,000 people had been killed, and about 46,000, including Yu, had been jailed. After being convicted of sedition, she was sent to Seodaemun Prison in Seoul.

At Seodaemun, Yu demanded the release of other prisoners and continued to express her support for Korean independence. She shouted at her Japanese captors and, with other inmates, organized a large-scale protest on the first anniversary of the March 1 Movement.

“Even if my fingernails are torn out, my nose and ears are ripped apart, and my legs and arms are crushed, this physical pain does not compare to the pain of losing my nation,” she wrote in prison. “My only remorse is not being able to do more than dedicating my life to my country.”

She was eventually transferred to an underground cell, where she was repeatedly beaten and tortured for speaking out. “Japan will fall,” she wrote shortly before dying of her injuries on Sept. 28, 1920, at 17.

Yu was born on Dec. 16, 1902, the second daughter of five children to Christian parents near Cheonan, in what became South Korea when the peninsula was divided in 1945, after World War II.

She was influenced by her father, who taught her about Christianity and instilled traditional Confucian values of nationalism and civic awareness. Nine members of the Yu family — spanning three generations — were involved in the independence movement.

Yu was an intelligent child who attended a nearby Methodist church and memorized Bible verses easily, according to curators at the Ewha Museumin Seoul. An American missionary, Alice J. Hammond Sharp, encouraged Yu to attend the Ewha school to advance her education, something few Korean women did at that time.

The Korean Peninsula came under Japanese military rule three years after Yu was born. It was formally annexed in 1910, the start of a 35-year struggle for independence. Yu would not have remembered a free Korea, and she died long before liberation in August 1945.

The March 1 Movement did not immediately result in Korea’s independence, but it crystallized a sense of national unity and was a catalyst for the resistance. Today, March 1 is a national holiday in South Korea, where the 100th anniversary of the movement will be commemorated next year.

In August 2015, Yukio Hatoyama, a onetime leader of Japan, visited Seodaemun, which is now a national museum.

“As a former prime minister, as a Japanese citizen and as a human being,” Hatoyama said, “I am here today to offer my sincere apologies, from the bottom of my heart, to those who were tortured and were killed here.”

Hatoyama knelt and observed a moment of silence before a monument to colonial-era independence activists. He also visited a prison cell where Yu had been held. It was the first time a former Japanese prime minister had visited the site.

Yu was also honored by the former United Nations secretary general Ban Ki-moon, who received an honorary doctorate from Ewha in 2015.

“I want to speak about a great young Korean woman who lost her own freedom so that others could be free,” Ban said at a ceremony at the university, likening Yu to Joan of Arc. “This is proof that violence can kill a person, but not their memory, not their ideals. Her patriotism demonstrates the great way she lived and died.”

Choonkyu Lee contributed research.



A Real Path to Peace on the Korean Peninsula By Chung-in Moon

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/north-korea/2018-04-30/real-path-peace-korean-peninsula?sp_mid=56580751&sp_rid=ZHN5aHVuQHlhaG9vLmNvbQS2&spMailingID=56580751&spUserID=ODcxODMxNTY1NDIS1&spJobID=1401354510&spReportId=MTQwMTM1NDUxMAS2

A Real Path to Peace on the Korean Peninsula
The Progress and Promise of the Moon-Kim Summit

By Chung-in Moon
April 30, 2018

Twelve hours in Panmunjom—the village in the demilitarized zone between North and South Korea that has long symbolized division and war—produced an unexpected miracle of peace on Friday. In the Panmunjom Declaration, Moon Jae-in and Kim Jong Un, the leaders of South and North Korea, pledged that “there will be no more war on the Korean Peninsula and thus a new era of peace has begun.” Given North Korea’s military provocations, the growing North Korean nuclear arsenal, and the acute sense of crisis that has haunted South Koreans over the last year, such a reversal looks surreal. But after attending all three summits between the two Koreas (in 2000, 2007, and 2018), I believe that this latest one represents real progress and lays the groundwork for lasting peace.

Although much commentary has focused on the remaining difficulties, which are considerable, it has missed just how much was accomplished last week. Moon and Kim did not just make high-level commitments; they also laid out specific timetables for implementing them and took concrete steps that will have immediate effects in facilitating cooperation and preventing conflict. That offers cause for hope that for all the remaining challenges, a comprehensive peace deal including real denuclearization by North Korea is achievable in a couple of years, if not in the months ahead.

ENDING THE KOREAN WAR

The tangible outcomes of the summit are significant. It successfully normalized inter-Korean relations, and the two leaders agreed to “hold dialogue and negotiations in various fields including at a high level, and to take active measures to implement the agreements reached at the Summit.” They will establish a joint liaison office with resident representatives from both sides and encourage active cooperation, exchanges, visits, and contacts at all levels. They also agreed to proceed with reunion programs for families split between North and South Korea, on the occasion of National Liberation Day on August 15. And there will be practical steps to connect and modernize railways and roads, building on a 2007 agreement.

The summit also produced a watershed agreement to alleviate military tension and eliminate the danger of war on the Korean Peninsula. Both leaders agreed to completely cease all hostile acts against each other in every domain, including land, air, and sea, and to transform the demilitarized zone into a peace zone. They pledged to turn the areas around the Northern Limit Line in the West Sea into a maritime peace zone, in order to prevent accidental military clashes. They also committed to military measures, including launching a joint military committee to ensure active cooperation, exchanges, visits, and frequent meetings between military authorities and defense ministers.

The Panmunjom Declaration further included a historic joint commitment to cooperate in establishing a permanent and solid peace regime on the Korean Peninsula, ending the current state of armistice that has persisted since fighting stopped in the Korean War more than 60 years ago. As part of these efforts, the leaders agreed to carry out disarmament in a phased manner, through the reduction of military tensions and confidence-building measures, and to pursue three-party meetings, involving North Korea, South Korea, and the United States, or four-party meetings, involving China as well, within the year. The aim would be to declare an end to the war and to turn the armistice into a peace treaty. Finally, and most important of all, the South and North Korean leaders confirmed the common goal of realizing, through complete denuclearization, a nuclear weapons–free Korean Peninsula.

BREAKING GROUND

For all the real importance of such commitments, the significance of the summit goes well beyond them. Past agreement and declarations have never included such bold goals. The two leaders were able to narrow a long-standing gap: the South has generally favored a functionalist approach based on the logic of “economy first,” but the North has insisted on “military-political issues first.” Panmunjom was the first inter-Korean summit in which the two sides converged on the primacy of military-political issues.

The adoption of a written agreement on complete denuclearization was also groundbreaking. In the past, North Korea has refused to accept the nuclear issue as an agenda item in inter-Korean talks, arguing that it is a matter solely for the United States and North Korea to address. This time, Kim made a written commitment, and Rodong Sinmun, the official daily newspaper of the Workers’ Party of Korea, openly reported agreement on complete denuclearization, which is unprecedented. Underscoring his commitment to complete denuclearization, Kim told Moon that he would close the North’s still usable nuclear test sites in Punggye-ri in May, inviting experts and journalists from the United States and South Korea to observe and verify.

Throughout the meeting, Kim was pragmatic and realistic. He did not mention the reduction or withdrawal of U.S. forces in South Korea, or the status of the U.S.–South Korean alliance, as a precondition for denuclearization. “Once we start talking,” Kim said, “the U.S. will know that I am not a person to launch nuclear weapons at South Korea, the Pacific, and the U.S.” He also identified to Moon what he wants from Washington: frequent meetings and trust building, an official end to the Korean War, and a nonaggression treaty. If these conditions are met, he added, “why would we have nuclear weapons and suffer?” That is why he wanted to link denuclearization to the process of ending war and building a peace regime. As the final declaration says, if the process of ending the Korean War and transforming the armistice into a peace treaty occurs, the North will expedite efforts to denuclearize.

Finally, recognizing the mistakes in past agreements, both leaders made precise concrete pledges to implement what they agreed to. The dates for major meetings and events were specified in the declaration, with high-level talks and a general-level military meeting already scheduled in May. The reunion of separated families will take place on August 15. And Moon is scheduled to visit Pyongyang in the fall.

ROCKY ROAD AHEAD

What made such success possible? First, the summit never would have happened without Kim’s strategic decision to engage; he initiated and engineered the encounter. He presumably did so partly because he needed economic concessions from the South (he emphasized in his New Year’s speech that he will push for economic development even at the expense of nuclear weapons) and partly because he wanted to utilize Moon to secure access to the Trump administration. But also critical was Moon’s sincerity, open-mindedness, and willingness to play the role of honest broker between Pyongyang and Washington, which he demonstrated during the North Korean delegation’s visit to Seoul during the Pyeongchang Winter Olympics earlier this year. (Seoul also worked hard to persuade the North’s officials through numerous clandestine contacts.) Finally, U.S. President Donald Trump’s combination of “maximum pressure” on Kim and timely encouragement of Moon’s approach to the North helped bring the two leaders together.

Yet as many observers have aptly pointed out, there is a rocky road ahead. However comprehensive the Panmunjom Declaration, it will not be easy to transform long-standing Korean conflict into a lasting peace. Reducing military tensions, building confidence, and finding agreement on arms reduction are challenging and time-consuming tasks, especially for archrivals.

The same will be true when it comes to the denuclearization of North Korea. Although the North, the South, and the United States all understand denuclearization as the complete, verifiable, and irreversible dismantlement (CVID) of nuclear weapons, they differ in the sequencing. Whereas the U.S. position is “CVID first and reward later,” the North demands an incremental, synchronized exchange of denuclearization and reward. South Korea advocates an eclectic approach, in which North Korea’s credible commitment to and actions toward denuclearization would be followed by step-by-step implementation of declaration, inspection, and verifiable dismantling in a compressed time frame.

The critical question is whether Kim is truly willing to get rid of his nuclear facilities, materials, and bombs in a verifiable, irreversible way. Skeptics contend that he will use “salami tactics,” insisting on incremental, synchronized denuclearization in which every action he takes must be met with a reciprocal step by the United States; in the past, the North has in fact managed to get the benefits without following through on its own pledges. Such skepticism is reinforced by Kim’s own domestic uncertainties. No matter how tame the North Korean military may have become under Kim’s ruthless rule, it might be difficult for the military to accept agreements on complete denuclearization. But neither Seoul nor Washington can accept the incremental approach; the entire deal would collapse if the North pursues it, leading to another round of crises and the possibility of military action and even all-out war on the Korean Peninsula. Seoul and Washington are aware of that risk and have sent a clear message to the North. And it is not likely that the North will return to this old practice, because its leader appears to fully understand that gains from denuclearization are hefty, whereas the nuclear path is excruciating.

By obtaining North Korea’s explicit commitment to “complete denuclearization” in the Panmunjom Declaration, South Korea laid the groundwork for the Trump-Kim meeting that is supposed to occur in late May. Now the ball is in Washington’s court. The Trump administration needs to deal with Kim to work out the details of denuclearization, which will require a compromise between Washington’s preferred comprehensive one-shot deal and Pyongyang’s incremental, synchronized approach. Trump will likely have to come up with a more realistic, flexible, and creative way of handling North Korea in order to move forward.

South Korea is not free from domestic constraints either. What will happen to U.S. forces in South Korea if a peace treaty is signed? It will be difficult to justify their continuing presence in South Korea after its adoption. But there will be strong conservative opposition to the reduction and withdrawal of U.S. forces, posing a major political dilemma for Moon. Although he wants to push for legislative approval of the declaration, in order to assure implementation even after a change in the government, conservative opposition is likely to block such approval, stalling implementation efforts.

“A peaceful, nuclear weapons–free Korean Peninsula” has been Moon’s goal since long before his election to the presidency. Although the Panmunjom summit has opened a new historical opportunity to fulfill his dream, shaping a new history of peace is not easy. But Moon is acutely aware of the obstacles on the path ahead. He will approach his long-standing goal with prudent and patient stewardship.