Showing posts with label gender. Show all posts
Showing posts with label gender. Show all posts

[정희진의 낯선사이]그들이 ‘화학적 거세’를 선호하는 이유


[정희진의 낯선사이]그들이 ‘화학적 거세’를 선호하는 이유
2012.08.30 20:19

성범죄 가해자에 대한 독특한 시선이 있다. 다른 범죄는 처벌하면 그만인데, 이들에 대해서는 상담·치료 등 ‘다양한’ 대책이 제시된다(절도나 폭력 사범에게 ‘심리 상담’을 운운하지는 않는다). 새누리당은 아동 성범죄와 ‘변태’ 성욕에 국한했던 성충동 약물치료, 이른바 ‘화학적 거세’를 강화하는 요지의 법 개정을 추진하기로 했다.

지난해 7월 관련법 시행 즈음, 효과와 인권 침해 여부를 놓고 여러 차례 논쟁이 있었다. 2~6%에 불과한 성폭력 신고율, 신고와 기소 과정에서 피해자가 겪는 고통, 낮은 신고율만큼이나 낮은 기소율과 더 낮은 유죄 판결률을 고려할 때, 성범죄를 막기 위한 대책이 ‘주사(注射)요법’이라니, 그다지 설득적이진 않다.

어쨌든 성범죄의 규모와 실태가 워낙 심각하기에, 효과라도 확실하다면 극렬 반대할 사람은 많지 않을 것이다. 문제는 성범죄의 원인성별 권력관계의 불균형 때문이지, 남성호르몬 과다로 인한 생리현상이 아니라는 점에 있다. ‘화학적 거세’는 진짜 문제로부터 주의를 분산시키는, 이 경우에는 질 나쁜 맥거핀이다.

‘섹스’는 뇌로 하는 것이지 성기로 하는 것이 아니다. 발기는 혈액이 조직을 채우는 것인데, 이는 뇌의 역할이고 그 기능을 가능케 하는 ‘자극’의 내용은 철저히 사회적인 것이다. 간단히 말해, ‘화학적 거세’는 과학적 근거도 실제 효과도 없다.

나는 20여년간 여성에 대한 폭력 관련자들을 상담해왔는데, 가해자들의 가장 절실한 호소는 피해의식과 분노다. “남들 다 하는데 나만 재수가 없어서 걸렸다”는 피해의식과 자신을 이 지경으로 만든 사법체계와 신고한 여성, 그리고 ‘여자들이 판치는 세상’에 대한 분노다. 이러한 사고방식과 심리상태의 근거는 ‘성범죄 불가피론’이다. 남성에게 삽입 섹스는 소변과 같은 신체의 자연스러운 배설행위이므로 성폭력이나 성구매를 불법화하는 것은 ‘오줌을 못 싸게 하는’ 고통과 같다는 것이다.

“남자는 참을 수 없다.” 이들의 주장대로라면 참는(?) 남성, 혹은 ‘재수 좋아 안 걸린’ 대다수 남성들의 신체는 배뇨 통증으로 폭발 직전일 것이다. 가해자들의 이야기는 나이, 학력, 계층과 관련없이 사전 회의라도 한 듯 똑같다. 이는 이들의 성 인식이 개인의 일탈이 아니라 사회적 규범이라는 것을 보여준다.

이들의 합창은 우리 사회에 만연한 통념이기도 하고, 성범죄의 원인을 통제할 수 없는 성욕에서 찾는 ‘화학적 거세법’의 현실인식과 동일하다. 성욕이 배설과 같다니? 논의의 가치는 없다. 문제는 이 절대적 무지에 저항하기가 생각보다 쉽지 않다는 사실이다. 사회 전체가 의식적으로든 무의식적으로든 이 ‘상식’에 동의하고 있다.

그들은 나를 설득하려 한다. “갑자기 길 가다가 오줌이 마려우면 선생님은 어떻게 하시겠어요?” “길거리에서 그냥 해결할 수도 있고(성폭력을 의미한다), 화장실을 찾을 수도 있고(성 구매), 참으며 집까지 갈 수도 있겠죠(파트너와 성교). 근데, 화장실이 없으면 그 자리에서 싸는 사람이 많겠어요? 참고 집에 가는 사람이 많겠어요? 또 집에 간다고 해서 쌀 수 있는 것도 아니란 말입니다!(파트너가 없거나 동의하지 않는 경우를 말한다)

여성의 몸을, 남성을 위한 용기(用器)로 취급하는 것은 가부장제 성문화의 핵심이다. 이러한 의식에 대한 문제제기 없이 성범죄의 원인이 인체의 화학에 있다는 전제에서 이를 억제하겠다는 발상은 성범죄 예방이 아니라 부양책이다.

다른 범죄와 마찬가지로 성범죄도 사회적 대책만으로는 한계가 있으며 완전한 근절은 불가능하다. 맞다. 하지만, 그러니까 우선 ‘화학적 거세’라도 하고 보자? 진실은 그 반대다. 해결 방법 중 하나라는 ‘화학적 거세’의 사고방식이 바로 문제의 핵심이기 때문이다. 원인을 대책으로 추진하고 있는 것이다.

의혹은 또 있다. 성범죄자에 대한 가부장제 사회의 지나친 도덕적 낙인(변태, 괴물 등)과 ‘참지 못하는 그들’에 대한 경멸은 무엇을 의미하는 것일까? 거의 모든 통계조사에서 성범죄자에 대한 강력 처벌을 주장하는 입장은 여성보다 남성이 압도적으로 많다.남성 문화는 왜 이토록 성범죄가 아니라 성범죄‘자’를 혐오할까. “나는 아니다”를 증명하기 위해서는 아닐까. 성범죄의 원인은 일상의 성차별, 성역할 구조인데, 이를 수용하게 되면 모든 남성은 피곤해진다. 남성은 잠재적 피고인이 되지 않기 위해 기존의 여성관, 세계관 자체를 수정해야 한다.

그러나 소수 ‘변태’의 문제로 축소하면 성범죄는 남성 문화의 결과가 아니라 특수화, 엽기화된다. 그럴수록 여성들은 밤거리나 여행에서 조심스럽게 행동하는 등 스스로를 통제해야 한다. 반대로 국가와 사회를 통치하는 ‘안 걸린’ 남성들은 사회적 약자를 제대로 보호하지도 못하면서 보호자, 시혜자, 감시자의 지위를 획득하게 된다. 이것이 ‘화학적 거세’의 배경이다.

<정희진 | 여성학 강사>

Comfort Women: Untold Stories Of Wartime Abuse

by CLAIRE O'NEILL , June 4, 2011

Of the many horrors suffered by both sides during World War II, the existence of "comfort stations" is one of the most unsettling: Organized by the Japanese military in occupied countries, these were locations where women were forced into prostitution to "comfort" military personnel. Over the years, many of the surviving women have shared stories of kidnap, coercion, rape and abuse — yet the Japanese government has been reluctant to acknowledge the crimes, let alone extend reparations.

It's an issue that has been brushed under the carpet, not only by government officials, but also by many surrounding cultures.  
In Indonesia, for example, little has been done to compensate the surviving women and their families; to the contrary, their stories have been suppressed by the society at large, says Dutch journalist and researcher Hilde Janssen. Very few women have ever shared their experiences – until now.

"It's the kind of story that is pushed away because it is very shameful in their eyes," Janssen says. Because sexuality is relatively taboo in Indonesian culture, former comfort women were too guilty and ashamed to share their memories. "But it should have a place in history," says Janssen.

She has been based in Indonesia for more than a decade and recently teamed up with photographer Jan Banning on a documentary project about these surviving comfort women, now in their 60s, 70s and 80s. Together they compiled these intimate oral histories and portraits in a book titled Comfort Women.

Like Niyem, who, at 10 years old was kidnapped and loaded into a truck full of other women destined for a military camp in West Java. She shared a small tent with two other girls, where soldiers openly raped them. "I was still so young," she is quoted by Janssen as saying. "Within two months my body was completely destroyed. I was nothing but a toy, as a human being I meant nothing, that's how it felt during the Japanese era."

When Niyem managed to escape and return home two months later, her parents didn't recognize her: "I didn't dare tell anyone that I had been raped, I didn't want to hurt my parents. I was afraid that no one would want me, that I would be left out. But people still abused me by calling me a 'Japanese hand-me-down.' Because I had been gone so long, they suspected what had happened. It hurt me tremendously."

Perhaps it's inappropriate to say that Niyem was "lucky" to make it out alive. Many women died during the war; but many more survivors would live with a suppressed emotional trauma for the rest of their lives — too embarrassed to tell even their most loved ones.

"We hope," Dutch photographer Jan Banning says, "even though it is very very late, that somehow this will be re-discussed — especially in Indonesia, moreso than here [in Europe]."

Comfort Women was selected by PDN for its 2011 Photo Annual, currently out now in its June issue. A documentary about the making of Comfort Women will be showing at the Artivist Film Festival in Los Angeles, July 8-10.

International Gender Justice: Progress in International War Crimes Tribunals and the UN Security Council



On International Women’s Day, it is appropriate to recognize the remarkable progress that women and girls have secured for gender related crimes in contemporary international war crimes tribunals. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established in 1993 and its sister tribunal, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), was set up the following year. These two tribunals, set up by the UN Security Council, have together successfully prosecuted rape as a war crime, a crime against humanity, and an instrument of genocide (the groundbreaking cases which established the leading precedent are ICTR:Akayesu, Muhimana; ICTY: Celebici, Furundzija, Kunarac); they’ve recognized rape and enslavement as a form of sexual slavery (ICTY:Kunarac); they’ve recognized rape as forms and means of torture (ICTR:Akayesu; ICTY: Celebici, Furundzija, Kunarac), as well as forms and means of persecution (ICTY: Krstic, Kvocka), that gender crimes may form part of a joint criminal enterprise (JCE) and both perpetrators and others participating in the JCE may be held responsible for intended or foreseeable crimes committed in furtherance of the JCE (ICTY: Krstic, Kvocka), and that men and boys are subjected to sexual violence (ICTY: Tadic, Celebici). They have also noted that other gender-related crimes, such as forced marriage, forced nudity, forced pregnancy and forced abortion, may constitute an international crime (ICTY: Kvocka).


In 1998, the Rome Statute of the permanent International Criminal Court (ICC) formally listed rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization, and “other forms of sexual violence of comparable gravity,” as war crimes and crimes against humanity (arts. 7 and 8) and also emphasized that gender based persecution as well as trafficking in women and children may be prosecuted (art. 7). While no judgment has yet been rendered in the ICC, the court has accused individuals of rape or sexual slavery as war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Uganda (Kony et. al), the Democratic Republic of Congo (Katanga & Ngudjolo; Mbarushimana), the Central African Republic (Bemba), and the Darfur region of Sudan (Harun & Ali Kushayb; Bashir). There will likely be sex crimes included in the situations in Kenya and Libya once charges are formalized and arrest warrants sought for these situation.
(See here for more on the gender report card at the ICC).


The Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) has successfully prosecuted rape, sexual slavery, and inhumane acts of forced marriage (AFRC) and in 2009 the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia convicted the head of a Khmer Rouge torture facility of a number of crimes, including rape (Duch). Mixed chambers in East Timor and Bosnia have also brought war crime and crime against humanity charges for rape crimes.


Unquestionably, in the last 18 years, unprecedented progress has been made on securing justice for gender related crimes in international/ized war crimes tribunals. Yet to be sure, the number of indictments charging individuals with gender crimes, particularly senior military and civilian leaders far from the battlefield, is grossly inadequate, and many sex crime charges that have been brought have been dropped or acquitted. Moreover it is past time for the tribunals to prosecute other recognized crimes, including forced pregnancy and enforced sterilization, which are committed far too commonly in this era when sexual violence is intentionally committed both with random abandon and with callous calculation – as powerful weapons of terror and destruction.

In part in recognition of the strategic use of sexual violence as powerful tools of warfare, as well as its common occurrence because the atmosphere of war and the long history of impunity for sex crimes exploits the opportunity, the UN Security Council has stepped up its efforts to ensure wartime sexual violence is redressed. Over the last decade the council has devoted no fewer than nine resolutions exclusively to ending and punishing war time sexual violence and enhancing the empowerment of women in peacemaking and peacekeeping: 1325 (2000), 1612 (2005), 1674 (2006), 1820 (2008), 1882 (2009), 1888 (2009), 1889 (2009), 1894 (2009), and 1960 (2010). (Prior posts). To reinforce these efforts, in 2010, the Secretary-General appointed a Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict (Margot Wallstrom).


Clearly, enormous – albeit unsatisfactory – progress has been achieved on securing justice for survivors of gender related crimes. Much remains to be done, yet the situation is far from bleak. When leaders who order, ignore, or acquiesce to crimes committed by subordinates are tried, thousands in the victimized communities can have their crimes addressed by those most responsible – perhaps even more so than the physical perpetrators – for the crimes committed against them. As international and domestic courts increasingly go up the power chain to prosecute top leaders, wider justice will be provided. And great satisfaction can be gained in recognizing that over the last fifteen years, there is now worldwide recognition that sex crimes are among the most serious international crimes committable, and these crimes are regarded as those that threaten international peace and security and thus demand action to halt and punish such crimes. If as much progress is made on gender justice in the next fifteen years as the past fifteen, the world community will be well on its way to ending impunity for gender related sex crimes, and for reversing the shame and stigma wrongly attached to victims, instead of perpetrators, of sex crimes.
See our Women & ICL series for more.

TUESDAY, MARCH 8, 2011

How do you solve a problem like Zimbabwe?