The
White House Office of the Press
Secretary For Immediate Release
September 21, 2011
Remarks
by President Obama in Address to the United Nations General Assembly
United
Nations New York, New York
10:12
A.M. EDT
PRESIDENT
OBAMA: Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and
gentlemen: It is a great honor for me to be here today. I would like to talk to
you about a subject that is at the heart of the United Nations -- the pursuit of peace in an imperfect
world.
War
and conflict have been with us since the beginning of civilizations. But in the
first part of the 20th century, the advance of modern weaponry led to death on
a staggering scale. It was this killing that compelled the founders of this
body to build an institution that was focused not just on ending one war, but
on averting others; a union of sovereign states that would seek to prevent
conflict, while also addressing its causes.
No
American did more to pursue this objective than President Franklin Roosevelt.
He knew that a victory in war was not enough. As he said at one of the very
first meetings on the founding of the United Nations, “We have got to make, not
merely peace, but a peace that will last.”
The
men and women who built this institution understood that peace is more than
just the absence of war. A lasting peace -- for nations and for individuals --
depends on a sense of justice and opportunity, of dignity and freedom. It
depends on struggle and sacrifice, on compromise, and on a sense of common
humanity.
One
delegate to the San Francisco Conference that led to the creation of the United
Nations put it well: “Many people,” she said, “have talked as if all that has
to be done to get peace was to say loudly and frequently that we loved peace
and we hated war. Now we have learned that no matter how much we love peace and
hate war, we cannot avoid having war brought upon us if there are convulsions
in other parts of the world.”
The
fact is peace is hard. But our people demand it. Over nearly seven decades,
even as the United Nations helped avert a third world war, we still live in a
world scarred by conflict and plagued by poverty. Even as we proclaim our love
for peace and our hatred of war, there are still convulsions in our world that
endanger us all.
I
took office at a time of two wars for the United States. Moreover, the violent
extremists who drew us into war in the first place -- Osama bin Laden, and his
al Qaeda organization -- remained at large. Today, we've set a new direction.
At
the end of this year, America’s
military operation in Iraq will be over. We will have a normal
relationship with a sovereign nation that is a member of the community of
nations. That equal partnership will be strengthened by our support for Iraq --
for its government and for its security forces, for its people and for their
aspirations.
As
we end the war in Iraq, the United States and our coalition partners have begun
a transition in Afghanistan.
Between now and 2014, an increasingly capable Afghan government and security
forces will step forward to take responsibility for the future of their
country. As they do, we are drawing down our own forces, while building an
enduring partnership with the Afghan people.
So
let there be no doubt: The tide of war is receding. When I took office, roughly
180,000 Americans were serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. By the end of this
year, that number will be cut in half, and it will continue to decline. This is
critical for the sovereignty of Iraq and Afghanistan. It’s also critical to the
strength of the United States as we build our nation at home.
Moreover,
we are poised to end these wars from a position of strength. Ten years ago,
there was an open wound and twisted steel, a broken heart in the center of this
city. Today, as a new tower is rising at Ground Zero, it symbolizes New York’s
renewal, even as al Qaeda is under more pressure than ever before. Its
leadership has been degraded. And Osama bin Laden, a man who murdered thousands
of people from dozens of countries, will never endanger the peace of the world
again.
So,
yes, this has been a difficult decade. But today, we stand at a crossroads of
history with the chance to move decisively in the direction of peace. To do so,
we must return to the wisdom of those who created this institution. The United
Nations’ Founding Charter calls upon us, “to unite our strength to maintain
international peace and security.” And Article 1 of this General Assembly’s
Universal Declaration of Human Rights reminds us that, “All human beings are
born free and equal in dignity and in rights.” Those bedrock beliefs -- in the
responsibility of states, and the rights of men and women -- must be our guide.
And
in that effort, we have reason to hope. This year has been a time of extraordinary
transformation. More nations have stepped forward to maintain international
peace and security. And more individuals are claiming their universal right to
live in freedom and dignity.
Think
about it: One year ago, when we met here in New York, the prospect of a
successful referendum in South Sudan
was in doubt. But the international community overcame old divisions to support
the agreement that had been negotiated to give South Sudan self-determination.
And last summer, as a new flag went up in Juba, former soldiers laid down their
arms, men and women wept with joy, and children finally knew the promise of
looking to a future that they will shape.
One
year ago, the people of Côte D’Ivoire
approached a landmark election. And when the incumbent lost, and refused to
respect the results, the world refused to look the other way. U.N. peacekeepers
were harassed, but they did not leave their posts. The Security Council, led by
the United States and Nigeria and France, came together to support the will of
the people. And Côte D’Ivoire is now governed by the man who was elected to
lead.
One
year ago, the hopes of the people of Tunisia
were suppressed. But they chose the dignity of peaceful protest over the rule
of an iron fist. A vendor lit a spark that took his own life, but he ignited a
movement. In a face of a crackdown, students spelled out the word,
"freedom." The balance of fear shifted from the ruler to those that
he ruled. And now the people of Tunisia are preparing for elections that will
move them one step closer to the democracy that they deserve.
One
year ago, Egypt had known one
President for nearly 30 years. But for 18 days, the eyes of the world were
glued to Tahrir Square, where Egyptians from all walks of life -- men and
women, young and old, Muslim and Christian -- demanded their universal rights.
We saw in those protesters the moral force of non-violence that has lit the
world from Delhi to Warsaw, from Selma to South Africa -- and we knew that
change had come to Egypt and to the Arab world.
One
year ago, the people of Libya
were ruled by the world’s longest-serving dictator. But faced with bullets and
bombs and a dictator who threatened to hunt them down like rats, they showed
relentless bravery. We will never forget the words of the Libyan who stood up
in those early days of the revolution and said, “Our words are free now.” It’s
a feeling you can’t explain. Day after day, in the face of bullets and bombs,
the Libyan people refused to give back that freedom. And when they were
threatened by the kind of mass atrocity that often went unchallenged in the
last century, the United Nations lived up to its charter. The Security Council
authorized all necessary measures to prevent a massacre. The Arab League called
for this effort; Arab nations joined a NATO-led coalition that halted Qaddafi’s
forces in their tracks.
In
the months that followed, the will of the coalition proved unbreakable, and the
will of the Libyan people could not be denied. Forty-two years of tyranny was
ended in six months. From Tripoli to Misurata to Benghazi -- today, Libya is
free. Yesterday, the leaders of a new Libya took their rightful place beside
us, and this week, the United States is reopening our embassy in Tripoli.
This
is how the international community is supposed to work -- nations standing
together for the sake of peace and security, and individuals claiming their
rights. Now, all of us have a responsibility to support the new Libya -- the
new Libyan government as they confront the challenge of turning this moment of
promise into a just and lasting peace for all Libyans.
So
this has been a remarkable year. The Qaddafi regime is over. Gbagbo, Ben Ali,
Mubarak are no longer in power. Osama bin Laden is gone, and the idea that
change could only come through violence has been buried with him. Something is
happening in our world. The way things have been is not the way that they will
be. The humiliating grip of corruption and tyranny is being pried open.
Dictators are on notice. Technology is putting power into the hands of the
people. The youth are delivering a powerful rebuke to dictatorship, and
rejecting the lie that some races, some peoples, some religions, some
ethnicities do not desire democracy. The promise written down on paper -- “all
human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights” -- is closer at
hand.
But
let us remember: Peace is hard. Peace is hard. Progress can be reversed.
Prosperity comes slowly. Societies can split apart. The measure of our success
must be whether people can live in sustained freedom, dignity, and security.
And the United Nations and its member states must do their part to support
those basic aspirations. And we have more work to do.
In
Iran, we've seen a government
that refuses to recognize the rights of its own people. As we meet here today,
men and women and children are being tortured, detained and murdered by the Syrian regime. Thousands have
been killed, many during the holy time of Ramadan. Thousands more have poured
across Syria’s borders. The Syrian people have shown dignity and courage in
their pursuit of justice -- protesting peacefully, standing silently in the
streets, dying for the same values that this institution is supposed to stand
for. And the question for us is clear: Will we stand with the Syrian people, or
with their oppressors?
Already,
the United States has imposed strong sanctions on Syria’s leaders. We supported
a transfer of power that is responsive to the Syrian people. And many of our
allies have joined in this effort. But for the sake of Syria -- and the peace
and security of the world -- we must speak with one voice. There's no excuse
for inaction. Now is the time for the United Nations Security Council to
sanction the Syrian regime, and to stand with the Syrian people.
Throughout
the region, we will have to respond to the calls for change. In Yemen, men, women and children
gather by the thousands in towns and city squares every day with the hope that
their determination and spilled blood will prevail over a corrupt system.
America supports those aspirations. We must work with Yemen’s neighbors and our
partners around the world to seek a path that allows for a peaceful transition
of power from President Saleh, and a movement to free and fair elections as
soon as possible.
In
Bahrain, steps have been
taken toward reform and accountability. We’re pleased with that, but more is
required. America is a close friend of Bahrain, and we will continue to call on
the government and the main opposition bloc -- the Wifaq -- to pursue a
meaningful dialogue that brings peaceful change that is responsive to the people.
We believe the patriotism that binds Bahrainis together must be more powerful
than the sectarian forces that would tear them apart. It will be hard, but it
is possible.
We
believe that each nation must chart its own course to fulfill the aspirations
of its people, and America does not expect to agree with every party or person
who expresses themselves politically. But we will always stand up for the
universal rights that were embraced by this Assembly. Those rights depend on
elections that are free and fair; on governance that is transparent and
accountable; respect for the rights of women and minorities; justice that is
equal and fair. That is what our people deserve. Those are the elements of
peace that can last.
Moreover,
the United States will continue to support those nations that transition to
democracy -- with greater trade and investment -- so that freedom is followed
by opportunity. We will pursue a deeper engagement with governments, but also
with civil society -- students and entrepreneurs, political parties and the
press. We have banned those who abuse human rights from traveling to our
country. And we’ve sanctioned those who trample on human rights abroad. And we
will always serve as a voice for those who've been silenced.
Now,
I know, particularly this week, that for many in this hall, there's one issue
that stands as a test for these principles and a test for American foreign
policy, and that is the conflict between the
Israelis and the Palestinians.
One
year ago, I stood at this podium and I called for an independent Palestine. I
believed then, and I believe now, that the Palestinian people deserve a state
of their own. But what I also said is that a genuine peace can only be realized
between the Israelis and the Palestinians themselves. One year later, despite
extensive efforts by America and others, the parties have not bridged their
differences. Faced with this stalemate, I put forward a new basis for
negotiations in May of this year. That basis is clear. It’s well known to all
of us here. Israelis must know that any agreement provides assurances for their
security. Palestinians deserve to know the territorial basis of their state.
Now,
I know that many are frustrated by the lack of progress. I assure you, so am I.
But the question isn’t the goal that we seek -- the question is how do we reach
that goal. And I am convinced that there is no short cut to the end of a
conflict that has endured for decades. Peace is hard work. Peace will not come
through statements and resolutions at the United Nations -- if it were that
easy, it would have been accomplished by now. Ultimately, it is the Israelis
and the Palestinians who must live side by side. Ultimately, it is the Israelis
and the Palestinians -- not us –- who must reach agreement on the issues that
divide them: on borders and on security, on refugees and Jerusalem.
Ultimately,
peace depends upon compromise among people who must live together long after
our speeches are over, long after our votes have been tallied. That’s the
lesson of Northern Ireland, where ancient antagonists bridged their
differences. That’s the lesson of Sudan, where a negotiated settlement led to
an independent state. And that is and will be the path to a Palestinian state
-- negotiations between the parties.
We
seek a future where Palestinians live in a sovereign state of their own, with
no limit to what they can achieve. There’s no question that the Palestinians
have seen that vision delayed for too long. It is precisely because we believe
so strongly in the aspirations of the Palestinian people that America has
invested so much time and so much effort in the building of a Palestinian
state, and the negotiations that can deliver a Palestinian state.
But
understand this as well: America’s commitment to Israel’s security is
unshakeable. Our friendship with Israel is deep and enduring. And so we believe
that any lasting peace must acknowledge the very real security concerns that
Israel faces every single day.
Let
us be honest with ourselves: Israel is surrounded by neighbors that have waged
repeated wars against it. Israel’s citizens have been killed by rockets fired
at their houses and suicide bombs on their buses. Israel’s children come of age
knowing that throughout the region, other children are taught to hate them.
Israel, a small country of less than eight million people, look out at a world
where leaders of much larger nations threaten to wipe it off of the map. The
Jewish people carry the burden of centuries of exile and persecution, and fresh
memories of knowing that six million people were killed simply because of who
they are. Those are facts. They cannot be denied.
The
Jewish people have forged a successful state in their historic homeland. Israel
deserves recognition. It deserves normal relations with its neighbors. And
friends of the Palestinians do them no favors by ignoring this truth, just as
friends of Israel must recognize the need to pursue a two-state solution with a
secure Israel next to an independent Palestine.
That
is the truth -- each side has legitimate aspirations -- and that’s part of what
makes peace so hard. And the deadlock will only be broken when each side learns
to stand in the other’s shoes; each side can see the world through the other’s
eyes. That’s what we should be encouraging. That’s what we should be promoting.
This
body -- founded, as it was, out of the ashes of war and genocide, dedicated, as
it is, to the dignity of every single person -- must recognize the reality that
is lived by both the Palestinians and the Israelis. The measure of our actions
must always be whether they advance the right of Israeli and Palestinian
children to live lives of peace and security and dignity and opportunity. And
we will only succeed in that effort if we can encourage the parties to sit
down, to listen to each other, and to understand each other’s hopes and each
other’s fears. That is the project to which America is committed. There are no
shortcuts. And that is what the United Nations should be focused on in the
weeks and months to come.
Now,
even as we confront these challenges of conflict and revolution, we must also
recognize -- we must also remind ourselves -- that peace is not just the
absence of war. True peace depends on creating the opportunity that makes life
worth living. And to do that, we must confront the common enemies of humanity:
nuclear weapons and poverty, ignorance and disease. These forces corrode the
possibility of lasting peace and together we're called upon to confront them.
To
lift the specter of mass destruction, we must come together to pursue the peace
and security of a world without
nuclear weapons. Over the last two years, we've begun to walk down that
path. Since our Nuclear Security Summit in Washington, nearly 50 nations have
taken steps to secure nuclear materials from terrorists and smugglers. Next
March, a summit in Seoul will advance our efforts to lock down all of them. The
New START Treaty between the United States and Russia will cut our deployed
arsenals to the lowest level in half a century, and our nations are pursuing
talks on how to achieve even deeper reductions. America will continue to work
for a ban on the testing of nuclear weapons and the production of fissile
material needed to make them.
And
so we have begun to move in the right direction. And the United States is
committed to meeting our obligations. But even as we meet our obligations,
we’ve strengthened the treaties and institutions that help stop the spread of
these weapons. And to do so, we must continue to hold accountable those nations
that flout them.
The
Iranian government cannot
demonstrate that its program is peaceful. It has not met its obligations and it
rejects offers that would provide it with peaceful nuclear power. North Korea has yet to take concrete
steps towards abandoning its weapons and continues belligerent action against
the South. There's a future of greater opportunity for the people of these
nations if their governments meet their international obligations. But if they
continue down a path that is outside international law, they must be met with
greater pressure and isolation. That is what our commitment to peace and
security demands.
To
bring prosperity to our people, we must promote the growth that creates
opportunity. In this effort, let us not forget that we’ve made enormous
progress over the last several decades. Closed societies gave way to open
markets. Innovation and entrepreneurship has transformed the way we live and
the things that we do. Emerging economies from Asia to the Americas have lifted
hundreds of millions of people from poverty. It’s an extraordinary achievement.
And yet, three years ago, we were confronted with the worst financial crisis in
eight decades. And that crisis proved a fact that has become clearer with each
passing year -- our fates are interconnected. In a global economy, nations will
rise, or fall, together.
And
today, we confront the challenges that have followed on the heels of that
crisis. Around the world recovery is still fragile. Markets remain volatile.
Too many people are out of work. Too many others are struggling just to get by.
We acted together to avert a depression in 2009. We must take urgent and
coordinated action once more. Here in the United States, I've announced a plan
to put Americans back to work and jumpstart our economy, at the same time as
I’m committed to substantially reducing our deficits over time.
We
stand with our European allies as they reshape their institutions and address
their own fiscal challenges.
For other countries, leaders face a different challenge as they shift their
economy towards more self-reliance, boosting domestic demand while slowing
inflation. So we will work with emerging economies that have rebounded
strongly, so that rising standards of living create new markets that promote
global growth. That’s what our commitment to prosperity demands.
To
combat the poverty that punishes our children, we must act on the belief that
freedom from want is a basic human right. The United States has made it a focus
of our engagement abroad to help people to feed themselves. And today, as
drought and conflict have brought famine to the Horn of Africa, our conscience
calls on us to act. Together, we must continue to provide assistance, and
support organizations that can reach those in need. And together, we must
insist on unrestricted humanitarian access so that we can save the lives of
thousands of men and women and children. Our common humanity is at stake. Let
us show that the life of a child in Somalia is as precious as any other. That
is what our commitment to our fellow human beings demand.
To
stop disease that spreads across borders, we must strengthen our system of
public health. We will continue the fight against HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and
malaria. We will focus on the health of mothers and of children. And we must
come together to prevent, and detect, and fight every kind of biological danger
-- whether it’s a pandemic like H1N1, or a terrorist threat, or a treatable
disease.
This
week, America signed an agreement with the World Health Organization to affirm
our commitment to meet this challenge. And today, I urge all nations to join us
in meeting the HWO’s [sic] goal of making sure all nations have core capacities
to address public health emergencies in place by 2012. That is what our
commitment to the health of our people demands.
To
preserve our planet, we must not put off action that climate change demands. We have to tap the power of science
to save those resources that are scarce. And together, we must continue our
work to build on the progress made in Copenhagen and Cancun, so that all the
major economies here today follow through on the commitments that were made.
Together, we must work to transform the energy that powers our economies, and
support others as they move down that path. That is what our commitment to the
next generation demands.
And
to make sure our societies reach their potential, we must allow our citizens to
reach theirs. No country can afford the corruption that plagues the world like
a cancer. Together, we must harness the power of open societies and open
economies. That’s why we’ve partnered with countries from across the globe to
launch a new partnership on open government that helps ensure accountability
and helps to empower citizens. No country should deny people their rights to
freedom of speech and freedom of religion, but also no country should deny
people their rights because of who they love, which is why we must stand up for
the rights of gays and lesbians everywhere.
And
no country can realize its potential if half its population cannot reach
theirs. This week, the United States signed a new Declaration on Women’s
Participation. Next year, we should each announce the steps we are taking to
break down the economic and political barriers that stand in the way of women
and girls. This is what our commitment to human progress demands.
I
know there’s no straight line to that progress, no single path to success. We
come from different cultures, and carry with us different histories. But let us
never forget that even as we gather here as heads of different governments, we
represent citizens who share the same basic aspirations -- to live with dignity
and freedom; to get an education and pursue opportunity; to love our families,
and love and worship our God; to live in the kind of peace that makes life
worth living.
It
is the nature of our imperfect world that we are forced to learn these lessons
over and over again. Conflict and repression will endure so long as some people
refuse to do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Yet that is
precisely why we have built institutions like this -- to bind our fates
together, to help us recognize ourselves in each other -- because those who
came before us believed that peace is preferable to war, and freedom is
preferable to suppression, and prosperity is preferable to poverty. That’s the
message that comes not from capitals, but from citizens, from our people.
And
when the cornerstone of this very building was put in place, President Truman
came here to New York and said, “The United Nations is essentially an
expression of the moral nature of man’s aspirations.” The moral nature of man’s
aspirations. As we live in a world that is changing at a breathtaking pace,
that’s a lesson that we must never forget.
Peace
is hard, but we know that it is possible. So, together, let us be resolved to
see that it is defined by our hopes and not by our fears. Together, let us make
peace, but a peace, most importantly, that will last.
Thank
you very much. (Applause.)
END
10:47
A.M. EDT
