Vote Korea!
by Stephan Haggard November 6th, 2012
For those of you who
read this blog and are still undecided, you might consider voting the party
platforms on the Korean peninsula. We looked through them, picked out all
references to the Koreas and reproduce them below. It has become accepted
wisdom that there is little difference between the two candidates on foreign
policy, or at least that the two were fighting for the middle ground in the
third debate. Although we have reported on bipartisan
moments, and recognize the limits of simple word
searches–”Korea” in this case–the platforms do in fact reflect subtle foreign
policy differences.
The Koreas—and Asia
more generally–appear much more frequently in the DNC platform. South Korea
comes up several times in the context of the Obama administration’s trade
policy. He takes credit for signing the KORUS, “but not before he strengthened
these agreements on behalf of American workers and businesses.” The DNC also
touts the KORUS FTA as a stepping stone to the TPP. The Republican platform
also underlines the importance of an open world economy, of course, but does
not specifically mention the Korean FTA as an exemplar in that regard.
On North Korea, a
second Obama administration would “continue to confront North Korea, another
regime that ignores its international obligations by developing nuclear weapons
and missile technology, with a stark choice: take verifiable steps toward
denuclearization or face increasing isolation and costs from the United States
and the international community.” The platform emphasizes collective action
against North Korea, including through the UN, the imposition of sanctions and
the hope of working with China. It also explicitly mentions the need to work
with Russia on a range of issues—including North Korea—and chides the Romney
campaign for “the Cold War mentality represented by Mitt Romney’s
identification of Russia as ‘our number one geopolitical foe.’”
We missed the fact
that the Democratic platform includes a proliferation red line: “the transfer
of nuclear weapons or material by North Korea to states or non-state entities
would be considered a grave threat to the United States and our allies, and we
would hold North Korea accountable for the consequences of such action.”
The Republican
platform cites North Korea as an example of the administration’s weakness and
tendency to “lead from behind.” “The current Administration has responded with
weakness to some of the gravest threats to our national security this country
has faced, including the proliferation of transnational terrorism, continued
belligerence by a nuclear-armed North Korea, an Iran in pursuit of nuclear
weapons, rising Chinese hegemony in the Asia Pacific region, Russian activism,
and threats from cyber espionage and terrorism.” The platform goes on to state
that “the U.S. will continue to demand the complete, verifiable, and
irreversible dismantlement of North Korea’s nuclear weapons programs with a
full accounting of its proliferation activities.” Neither platform really
outlines the elements of a new strategy for achieving that objective.
A major section of the
Republican foreign policy platform addresses the need for missile defenses,
both national and regional, and North Korea naturally emerges as a rationale
for doing so.
South Korea also comes
up in the context of the pivot—or rebalancing—toward Asia. The DNC platform
states that the US will continue to deepen its alliance relations in the
region, but not simply for the purpose of deterrence. “We will also expand our
networks of security cooperation with other emerging partners throughout the
region to combat terrorism, counter proliferation, provide disaster relief,
fight piracy, and ensure maritime security, including cooperation in the South
China Sea.”
The Republican
platform states that the US is a Pacific nation and underlines the importance
of continued American leadership through its alliance relations. It also makes
explicit reference to North Korea in the context of human rights policy. With
our allies, “we look toward the restoration of human rights to the suffering
people of North Korea and the fulfillment of their wish to be one in peace and
freedom.” No argument from us on that point.
Don’t forget to vote!
From the DNC Party
Platform
Opened Markets All
Over the World for American Products. President Obama and the Democratic Party know that
America has the best workers and businesses in the world. If the playing field
is level, Americans will be able to compete against every other country on
Earth. Over the last four years, we have made historic progress toward the goal
of doubling our exports by 2015. We have taken steps to open new markets to American
products, while ensuring that other countries play by the same rules. President
Obama signed into law new trade agreements with South Korea, Colombia, and
Panama that will support tens of thousands of private-sector jobs, but not
before he strengthened these agreements on behalf of American workers and
businesses. We remain committed to finding more markets for American-made goods
– including using the Trans-Pacific Partnership between the United States and
eight countries in the Asia-Pacific, one of the most dynamic regions in the
world – while ensuring that workers’ rights and environmental standards are
upheld, and fighting against unfair trade practices. We expanded and reformed
assistance for trade-affected workers, and we demanded renewal of that help
alongside new trade agreements.
Free and Fair Trade. We have also sought to promote free
and fair trade. Because of the economic dynamism of the Asia-Pacific region,
which is already home to more than half the global economy, expanding trade
with that region is critical to creating jobs and opportunities for the
American people. Building on the free trade agreement with South Korea that
President Obama signed, we are working with our partners in the Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation Forum to create a seamless regional economy, promote green
growth, and coordinate regulatory reform. Alongside Australia, Brunei
Darussalam, Chile, Malaysia, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam, we are
on track to finalize the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a historic high-standard
agreement that will address new and emerging trade issues, lower barriers to
the free flow of trade and investment, increase exports, and create more
American jobs. Exploring opportunities to shape the multilateral trading system
to reflect the role and responsibility of major emerging markets in the global
economy is a critical part of the President’s trade agenda.
North Korea. President Obama will also continue to
confront North Korea, another regime that ignores its international obligations
by developing nuclear weapons and missile technology, with a stark choice: take
verifiable steps toward denuclearization or face increasing isolation and costs
from the United States and the international community. That is why the
administration worked with international partners to impose the harshest
multilateral sanctions on North Korea in history. And it is why the President
has made clear that the transfer of nuclear weapons or material by North Korea
to states or non-state entities would be considered a grave threat to the
United States and our allies, and we would hold North Korea accountable for the
consequences of such action.
Russia. Crucial to achieving all of these
objectives has been, and will remain, expanded cooperation with Russia. The Cold
War mentality represented by Mitt Romney’s identification of Russia as “our
number one geopolitical foe” ignores the very real common interest we share
with Russia in reducing nuclear stockpiles, stopping additional proliferation
by countries such as Iran and North Korea, and preventing nuclear materials
from falling into the hands of terrorists.
Asia-Pacific. As we have sought to rebalance our
foreign policy, we have also turned greater attention to strengthening our
alliances and expanding our partnerships in the Asia-Pacific region. In part,
this is in recognition that the United States has been, and always will be, a
Pacific power. And, in part, it is a recognition that America’s future security
and prosperity will be fundamentally interconnected with Asia given its status
as the fastest growing economic region, with most of the world’s nuclear powers
and about half of the world’s population. The President has therefore made a
deliberate and strategic decision that the United States will play a larger and
long-term role in shaping this region and its future.
President Obama has
made modernizing America’s defense posture across the Asia-Pacific a top
priority. We remain committed to defending and deepening our partnerships with
our allies in the region: Australia, Japan, New Zealand, the Philippines, South
Korea, and Thailand. We will maintain a strong presence in Japan and on the
Korean Peninsula to deter and defend against provocations by states like North
Korea, while enhancing our presence in Southeast Asia and in Australia. We will
also expand our networks of security cooperation with other emerging partners
throughout the region to combat terrorism, counter proliferation, provide
disaster relief, fight piracy, and ensure maritime security, including cooperation
in the South China Sea. And we will continue to invest in a long-term strategic
partnership with India to support its ability to serve as a regional economic
anchor and provider of security in the broader Indian Ocean region.
Meanwhile, the President
is committed to continuing efforts to build a cooperative relationship with
China, while being clear and candid when we have differences. The world has a
profound interest in the rise of a peaceful and prosperous China, but China
must also understand that it must abide by clear international standards and
rules of the road. China can be a partner in reducing tensions on the Korean
Peninsula, countering proliferation in Iran, confronting climate change,
increasing trade, and resolving other global challenges. President Obama will
continue to seek additional opportunities for cooperation with China, including
greater communication between our militaries. We will do this even as we
continue to be clear about the importance of the Chinese government upholding
international economic rules regarding currency, export financing, intellectual
property, indigenous innovation, and workers’ rights. We will consistently
speak out for the importance of respecting the universal human rights of the
Chinese people, including the right of the Tibetan people to preserve their
cultural and religious identity. And we remain committed to a one China policy,
the Taiwan Relations Act, and the peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues
that is consistent with the wishes and best interests of the people of Taiwan.
The United Nations. International institutions – most
prominently the United Nations – have been a centerpiece of international order
since the mid-20th century. And just as American leadership was essential to
forging the architecture for international cooperation after World War II, the
President and the Democratic Party are committed to modernizing its
infrastructure for the 21st century – working to reform international bodies
and strengthen national and multilateral capabilities to advance peace,
security, and opportunity.
We have restored
America’s leadership at the UN by cooperating with our partners there when we
can and respectfully disagreeing with them when we must, reversing the previous
administration’s disdain for the UN. The President’s leadership at the UN has
enabled us to make real progress on a number of top national security
priorities, including getting Russia and China on board to implement the
toughest UN sanctions ever on Iran and North Korea.
From
the GOP Party Platform
The Current
Administration’s Failure: Leading From Behind. The Republican Party is
the advocate for a strong national defense as the pathway to peace, economic
prosperity, and the protection of those yearning to be free. Since the end of
World War II, American military superiority has been the cornerstone of a
strategy that seeks to deter aggression or defeat those who threaten our
national security interests. In 1981, President Reagan came to office with an
agenda of strong American leadership, beginning with a restoration of our
country’s military strength. The rest is history, written in the rubble of the
Berlin Wall and the Iron Curtain. We face a similar challenge today. The
current Administration has responded with weakness to some of the gravest
threats to our national security this country has faced, including the
proliferation of transnational terrorism, continued belligerence by a
nuclear-armed North Korea, an Iran in pursuit of nuclear weapons, rising
Chinese hegemony in the Asia Pacific region, Russian activism, and threats from
cyber espionage and terrorism. In response to these growing threats, President
Obama has reduced the defense budget by over $487 billion over the next decade
and fought Republican efforts to avoid another $500 billion in automatic budget
cuts through a sequestration in early 2013 that will take a meat ax to all
major defense programs.
Missile Defense
Imperiled. We recognize that the
gravest terror threat we face—a nuclear attack made possible by nuclear
proliferation—requires a comprehensive strategy for reducing the world’s
nuclear stockpiles and preventing the spread of those armaments. But the U.S.
can lead that effort only if it maintains an effective strategic arsenal at a
level sufficient to fulfill its deterrent purposes, a notable failure of the
current Administration. The United States is the only nuclear power not
modernizing its nuclear stockpile. It took the current Administration just one
year to renege on the President’s commitment to modernize the neglected
infrastructure of the nuclear weapons complex—a commitment made in exchange for
approval of the New START treaty. In tandem with this, the current
Administration has systematically undermined America’s missile defense,
abandoning the missile defense bases in Poland and the Czech Republic, reducing
the number of planned interceptors in Alaska, and cutting the budget for
missile defense. In an embarrassing open microphone discussion with former
Russian President Medvedev, the current President made clear that, if he wins a
second term, he intends to exercise “more flexibility” to appease Russia, which
means further undermining our missile defense capabilities. A Republican
President will be honest and forthright with the American people about his
policies and plans and not whisper promises to authoritarian leaders. A strong
and effective strategic arsenal is still necessary as a deterrent against competitors
like Russia or China. But the danger in this age of asymmetric or
non-traditional warfare comes from other quarters as well. With unstable
regimes in Iran and North Korea determined to develop nuclear-tipped missiles
capable of reaching the United States, with the possibility that a terrorist
group could gain control of a nuclear weapon, it is folly to abandon a missile
shield for the country.
U.S. Leadership in the
Asian-Pacific Community. We are a Pacific nation with economic, military, and cultural
ties to all the countries of the oceanic rim, from Australia, the Philippines,
and our Freely Associated States in the Pacific Islands to Japan and the
Republic of Korea. With them, we look toward the restoration of human rights to
the suffering people of North Korea and the fulfillment of their wish to be one
in peace and freedom. The U.S. will continue to demand the complete,
verifiable, and irreversible dismantlement of North Korea’s nuclear weapons
programs with a full accounting of its proliferation activities. We celebrate
the political and economic development of most of the nations of Southeast
Asia. Their example of material progress through hard work and free enterprise,
in tandem with greater democracy should encourage their less fortunate neighbors
to set aside crippling ideologies and embrace a more humane future. While our
relations with Vietnam have improved, and U.S. investment is welcomed, we need
unceasing efforts to obtain an accounting for, and repatriation of the remains
of, Americans who gave their lives in the cause of Vietnamese freedom. We
cannot overlook the continued repression of human rights and religious freedom,
as well as retribution against ethnic minorities and others who assisted U.S.
forces dur
