North Korea's Missiles
Displayed At Parade Are Fake
By ERIC TALMADGE
04/26/12
TOKYO -- Analysts who
have studied photos of a half-dozen ominous new North Korean missiles showcased
recently at a lavish military parade say they were fakes, and not very
convincing ones, casting further doubt on the country's claims of military
prowess.
Since its recent
rocket launch failure, Pyongyang's top military leaders have made several
boastful statements about its weapons capabilities. On Wednesday, Vice Marshal
Ri Yong Ho claimed his country is capable of defeating the United States
"at a single blow." And on Monday, North Korea promised "special
actions" that would reduce Seoul's government to ashes within minutes.
But the weapons
displayed April 15 appear to be a mishmash of liquid-fuel and solid-fuel
components that could never fly together. Undulating casings on the missiles
suggest the metal is too thin to withstand flight. Each missile was slightly
different from the others, even though all were supposedly the same make. They
don't even fit the launchers they were carried on.
"There is no doubt
that these missiles were mock-ups," Markus Schiller and Robert
Schmucker, of Germany's Schmucker Technologie, wrote in a paper
posted recently on the website Armscontrolwonk.com that listed those
discrepancies. "It remains unknown if they were designed this way to
confuse foreign analysts, or if the designers simply did some sloppy
work."
The missiles, called
KN-08s, were loaded onto the largest mobile launch vehicles North Korea has
ever unveiled. Pyongyang gave them special prominence by presenting them at the
end of the parade, which capped weeks of celebrations marking the 100th
anniversary of the country's founding father, Kim Il Sung.
The unveiling created
an international stir. The missiles appeared to be new, and designed for
long-range attacks.
That's a big concern
because, along with developing nuclear weapons, North Korea has long been suspected
of trying to field an intercontinental ballistic missile, or ICBM, capable of
reaching the United States. Washington contends that North Korea's failed
April 13 rocket launch was an attempt to test missile technology rather than
the scientific mission Pyongyang claims.
But after pouring over
close-up photos of the missiles, Schiller and Schmucker, whose company has
advised NATO on missile issues, argue the mock-ups indicate North Korea is a long way from having a
credible ICBM.
"There is still
no evidence that North Korea actually has a functional ICBM," they
concluded, adding that the display was a "dog and pony show" and
suggesting North Korea may not be making serious progress toward its
nuclear-tipped ICBM dreams.
North Korea has a
particularly bad track record with ICBM-style rockets. Its four launches since 1998 – three of which
it claimed carried satellites – have all ended in failure.
Though North Korea
frequently overstates its military capabilities, the missiles displayed this
month might foreshadow weapons it is still working on.
David Wright, a
physicist with the Union of Concerned Scientists who has written extensively
about North Korea's missile program, said he believes the KN-08s could be
"somewhat clumsy representations of a missile that is being
developed."
Wright noted that the
first signs the outside world got of North Korea's long-range Taepodong-2
missile – upon which the recent failed rocket was based – was from mock-ups
seen in 1994, 12 years before it was actually tested on the launch pad.
"To understand
whether there is a real missile development program in place, we are trying to
understand whether the mock-ups make sense as the design for a real
missile," he said. "It is not clear that it has a long enough range
to make sense for North Korea to invest a lot of effort in."
Theodore Postol, a professor at the Massachusetts Institute
of Technology and former scientific adviser to the U.S. Chief of Naval
Operations, said the Taepodong-2 design remains the more real
future threat – though even that remains at least a decade away – and
the KN-08 is simply a smoke screen.
"I believe that
these missiles are not only mock-ups, but they are very unlikely to be actual
mock-ups of any missiles in design," he said. "Fabricating a missile
like the KN-08 would require a gigantic indigenous technical effort. ... The
only way North Korea could develop such a missile with its pitiful economy
would be if someone gave it to them."
He noted that a
comparable U.S. missile, the Minuteman III, required "decades of expertise
in rocket motors, and vast sums of intellectual, technological and financial
capital."
Much attention,
meanwhile, has been given to the 16-wheel mobile launchers that carried
the missiles during the parade, which experts believe may have included a
chassis built in China. That raises questions of whether China has violated
U.N. sanctions against selling missile-related technology to Pyongyang.
Some missile experts
say the launchers were designed to carry a larger missile than the
18-meter-long KN-08, and argue that North Korea would not have spent millions
of dollars on them unless it has, or intends to have, a big missile to put on
them.
But Wright said the
launchers, like the missiles they carried, could also have been more for show
than anything else.
"Given the international
attention it has gotten from parading these missiles you could argue that the
cost of buying the large trucks – which add a lot of credibility to
the images of the missiles – was money well spent in terms of projecting
an image of power," he said.
DPRK ICBM Items
BY JEFFREY | 19 APRIL
2012
I am a little baffled
that the media isn’t making a bigger deal out of the fact that North Korea
paraded six road-mobile ICBMs through Pyongyang. Six road-mobile
ICBMs. Hey! Look! ICBMs! Road-mobile ICBMs! Just
like Gates said!
As best I can tell,
reporters don’t really understand that this isn’t the same missile as the
Unha-3.
It’s not. It’s
different. This is important.
1.
One set of issues
relates to whether the missiles were real, or simply aspirational
mock-ups. I am uploading a paper — “Dog
and Pony Show” — by Markus Schiller and Robert Schmucker that is strongly
of the view that we are looking at mockups. Some commenters may disagree,
especially about the little white straps.
(Schiller and
Schmucker are skeptical that this will ever be a real missile, although I
hasten to add that the United States saw a pair of “missile simulators” —
better known as mockups — in 1994 that gave us the TD-1 and -2 names we
use today. See: Barbara Starr, “N Korea Casts a Longer Shadow with the TD-2,” Jane’s
Defence Weekly, March 12, 1994.)
2.
To the extent that
this new missile has received any attention at all, it is the truck that seems
to interest reporters. I find that fascinating. Normally, I’d be impressed,
but stop ignoring the missile!
The TEL is an
important part of the weapons system (unless you plan to strap the missile to a
donkey) and North Korea is dependent on foreign suppliers for heavy-duty
vehicle chassis (warning:
wikileaks cable).
China appears to be
the supplier, in violation of existing sanctions on North Korea.
There seems to be some
confusion about the basis for stating that the export of TEL is a violation
of the Security Council Resolution. UNSCR1718 and UNSCR 1874 are actually pretty clear about
this. All member states are obligated to prevent the supply to the DPRK of a
number of items, including:
(ii) all items,
materials, equipment, goods and technology as set out in the lists in documents
S/2006/814 and S/2006/815, unless within 14 days of adoption of this resolution
the Committee has amended or completed their provisions also taking into
account the list in document S/2006/816, as well as other items, materials,
equipment, goods and technology, determined by the Security Council or the
Committee, which could contribute to DPRK’s nuclear-related, ballistic
missile-related or other weapons of mass destruction-related programmes;
S/2006/815 defines
ballistic missile programs list pursuant to resolution 1718 (2006). It is
identical to the MTCR
Annex. Both list “Vehicles designed or modified for the transport,
handling, control, activation and launching of the systems specified in 1.A” as
controlled items. Although such a vehicle is a less-sensitive Category II
transfer under the MTCR, there is little doubt it violates the sanctions
resolution. (UNSCR 1874 expanded these obligations and provided the
opportunity for an updated statement of controlled
items. Short version: TELs still not okay to transfer.)
If China exported the
trucks after 2006, this is a clear violation of sanctions. The resemblance
between the DPRK TEL and two Chinese models — WS2600 and
the WS51200–
are obvious.
I think it is a
WS51200. The little face plate to hide the notch in the cab doesn’t fool
me any more than the bright red paint job. That sucker is designed
to carry very large missiles. There are a series of interesting Chinese
announcements about initial production of the WS51200 (1|2)
including one that has been taken down.
Why the rush
boys? Have an export order that needed to be filled before a parade?
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Sam | April 19, 2012
So would this be a
more serious MTCR violation than UK sending cruise missiles to Saudis?
Does the relevant
UNSCR say “calls on” nations to refrain from such exports to NK or does it say
“decides” ? The “calls on” are kind of optional non-enforceable nice things
that UNSC would like. e.g. UNSCR 487 also has some “calls on”
joshua | April 19, 2012
Good question. China
is not a member of the MTCR, but has undertaken its own, similar commitments in
parallel to the MTCR. Which is in any case not binding in the manner of a
Security Council resolution, but rather a voluntary commitment.
Regardless, it’s not
such a good development
George William Herbert | April 19, 2012
One note -
I believe they have a
real program here, even if the missiles are mockups. The TELs seem to have cost around $1 million
each (30 million Yuan for 6, total US dollar value about $4.7 million at
current exchange rates). The TELs are also bigger than we think they’d need to
be for this missile (max weight rating 122 tons or so), which seems to indicate
they intentionally overbuilt the TEL for performance reasons.
That’s a lot of money
to spend on a masrikova activity.
It’s not that big in
comparison with their total imports ($3.7 billion or so) or export ($2 billion
or so), but it’s big enough in their total budget that it seems unlikely they’d
do it just for show.
Reply P | April 20, 2012
Don’t think the ‘cost
much = real’ argument holds.
‘Careful spending’ and
‘show’ are two concepts which do not usually seem to be connected in North
Korea. The massive military parade itself is an example in itself.
Or this
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XZQDWV_0nOM&feature=related
or this
http://atlasobscura.com/place/ryugyong-hotel
Or this
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XZQDWV_0nOM&feature=related
or this
http://atlasobscura.com/place/ryugyong-hotel
Pieter | April 20, 2012
The sanctions against
North Korea are certainly pretty restrictive of just about anything that could
be used or adapted in any way by North Korea, for carrying ballistic missiles
but also for most types of major conventional weapons. Which basically means that
no truck whatsoever could be supplied to North Korea, because almost any truck
can be adapted as carrier of ballistic missiles or major conventional arms. But
that is not really the intention of the UN sanctions on the country.
I mentioned it before, in the case of Iran we have seen the same issue some years ago. In that case it German trucks were used and in reaction the German government tried to stop the export of relevant trucks.
In at least one other UN sanction regime (Darfur) not related to nuclear programmes similar issues relating to dual-use/civilian vehicles used for military use have arisen.
I mentioned it before, in the case of Iran we have seen the same issue some years ago. In that case it German trucks were used and in reaction the German government tried to stop the export of relevant trucks.
In at least one other UN sanction regime (Darfur) not related to nuclear programmes similar issues relating to dual-use/civilian vehicles used for military use have arisen.
Article.aspx?id=173275
http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/0,1518,630778,00.html
http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/0,1518,630778,00.html
Peter Brown | April 20, 2012
Let me see if I get
this straight. The China-Iran-Pakistan-North Korea missile club is providing
substantial momentum to a broadening and serious deterioration of the MTCR’s
effectiveness. Meanwhile, Russian
bombers are more active over the western Pacific now than they were in the
closing hours of the Soviet Union. And the U.S. seems willing to not only
extend a pass to India on both the nuclear and missile front, but to reinforce Japan’s
remilitarization as well.
Seems to me that Asia
is doomed to continue down this precarious path until it is too late to reverse
course.
George William Herbert | April 21, 2012
Jeffrey writes:
Neither the MTCR nor
the sanctions have an exception for dual-use vehicles. The important word is “designed
or modified.” The MTCR guidelines (and sanctions) are quite clear thst such
items could be used in other applications.
There is another phrase — “specially designed” — to describe goods for which there are no civilian applications.
All of this discussion about possible civilian uses is interesting, but quite irrelevant from an MTCR perspective.
There is another phrase — “specially designed” — to describe goods for which there are no civilian applications.
All of this discussion about possible civilian uses is interesting, but quite irrelevant from an MTCR perspective.
I think the point is
whether the Chinese bear much culpability.
For stuff I routinely
see on US roads in a civilian capacity…
I think it should be
investigated, but if they thought they were going to be construction cranes
that’s not obviously just a cover story.
Caterpillar’s mining
trucks could similarly be converted for TEL use. They don’t ask export
customers about missile support end user conversions.
P | April 22, 2012
The UNSC resolutions
‘decide’ that UN Member States shall prevent the direct or indirect supply of all
items, materials, equipment, goods and technology as set out in the lists in
the MTCR annex, which includes ‘vehicles designed or modified for the
transport, handling, control, activation AND launching of the systems specified
in 1.A.’
However the WS2600 or WS51200 we know of are not such vehicles. They are chassis only without all the other bits which makes them TELs. Also note the use of ‘and’ not ‘or’, indicating that a vehicle which incorporates all the functions. (Unless we assume that the whole TEL had been delivered from China, but there is no indication for that whatsoever.)
It can also be argued that if the missiles are real the vehicles should not have been delivered because the UN sanctions prohibit the supply to DPRK of ‘all arms and related materiel’.
But as they are chassis only and seem to have civilian applications also this is not so straightforward. After all, many, many materiel of all sorts is ‘related to arms’. I’d say that if it was known or could be suspected based on available information about the end-user that they would be used for building a TEL or if the buyer was one of the DPRK entities that are under UN embargoes the delivery it would be a deliberate violation of the UN sanctions. Otherwise it is just something to learn from and to prevent in future and raises questions about how China makes assessments regarding exports of strategic goods.
For me the whole
point of this discussion is to counter anyone jumping the gun and
suggesting that the Chinese government deliberately helped the DPRK with
building an ICBM. Why potentially piss off the Chinese if the evidence is so
weak? Based on the information we have the allegation is about as valid as
claiming that in violation of UN sanctions Germany helped Iran with its Shahabs
because the Shahabs are pulled around by Mercedes Benz Trucks or Sweden
‘violated’ its MTCR commitments because the AGNI-4 is pulled around by a Volvo
truck. Important will be if China will
investigate the matter, will provide full assistance to the the UN panel on the
DPRK which is investigating the matter and if China and will take action to
prevent future similar violations of the UN sanctions. If they don’t or if
someone will come up with proper evidence that the Chinese government has
deliberately and for reasons unclear to me supported the DPRK ICBM effort, we
have reason tho complain and should really wonder what the Chinese are up to.
But as someone here
argued before, until then, the questions if these missiles are real is may be
more important.
Jeffrey | April 22, 2012
This only makes sense
if you don’t read the actual sanctions documents, which make clear that
civilian applications are not an exception for goods “designed or modified”
for certain purposes, like TELs. There is a special phrase, “specially
designed”, that describes goods with no other purpose.
The wording of the
MTCR and the sanctions are very clear that the existence of civilian applications
does not change the controlled nature of the item. There is even a nice example
of titanium coating (I think; I am working from memory) provided to make this
clear.
I don’t know whether
the transfer is deliberate or not, but I’d love to know what the
civilian/defense ratio for WS52100 is. The company certainly knew that North
Korea might use this equipment in a missile program. After all, the Chinese
missile progr appears to be their primary customer.
I meant to add that
the suspension alone — an off-road vehicle capable of carrying tens of tons —
ought to meet the standard, to say nothing of other little details right down
to the notch in the cab.
Or is that purely
stylistic? Or to carry very pointy cranes?
Markus Schiller | April 23, 2012
There seems to be some
confusion on the liquid/solid issue, as well as on the cable ducts. Let me try
to clarify this.
Cable ducts are always
external at a certain point, for both solid- and liquid-fueled missiles. It is
the location of their endings that is important – these positions hint at the
missile’s inner configuration. It is too risky (or impossible) to have the cables
inside the combustion chamber (solid-fueled) or inside the tanks
(liquid-fueled) for various reasons: A spark might ignite the propellants, the
breach in the tank wall/chamber wall is a potential source for leakage, and so
on. The cables are then routed back inside the airframe as soon as possible for
several reasons – the cable covers are unnecessary extra mass, for example, as
are the cables if you have them extending to the aft skirt and then leading
back up again inside the missile.
True, the cable ducts
at the UR-200 (and the R-36) lead down to the very end of the aft skirt. But
there is still more than 1 m of engines sticking out behind the aft skirt. The
UR-200 and R-36 were developed for silo use – they did not have to be protected
against dust and dirt and weather, allowing for an “open skirt” design with
exposed engines. And at the UR-200′s upper stage, the cable is routed back into
the missile at the end of the tank section (the conical section houses the
propulsion unit).
We forgot to add one
other observation: North Korean rocket engineers certainly are not stupid,
especially when they are designing and developing a road-mobile ICBM. In that
case, they should know that a liquid-fueled ICBM is better designed as a two
stage rocket, while a three stage design is great for a solid-fueled missile
(simply look how many three stage liquid-fueled ICBMs there are, and how many
solid ones).
Things just don’t add
up on the presented configuration.