A forum devoted to the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA)

http://fcpaprofessor.com/


http://fcpaprofessor.com/bribery-is-not-a-first-amendment-issue-but-news-corps-potential-fcpa-liability-does-shine-a-needed-light-on-the-fcpas-current-era

July 26th, 2011
Bribery Is Not A First Amendment Issue, But News Corp’s Potential FCPA Liability Does Shine A Needed Light On The FCPA’s Current Era

Presidential Proclamation--Suspension Of Entry Of Aliens Subject To United Nations Security Council Travel Bans

The White House , Office of the Press Secretary , For Immediate Release , July 25, 2011

PRESIDENTIAL PROCLAMATION--SUSPENSION OF ENTRY OF ALIENS SUBJECT TO UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL TRAVEL BANS AND INTERNATIONAL EMERGENCY ECONOMIC POWERS ACT SANCTIONS

SUSPENSION OF ENTRY OF ALIENS SUBJECT TO UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL TRAVEL BANS AND INTERNATIONAL EMERGENCY ECONOMIC POWERS ACT SANCTIONS

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

A PROCLAMATION

In light of the firm commitment of the United States to the preservation of international peace and security and our obligations under the United Nations Charter to carry out the decisions of the United Nations Security Council imposed under Chapter VII, I have determined that it is in the interests of the United States to suspend the entry into the United States, as immigrants or nonimmigrants, of aliens who are subject to United Nations Security Council travel bans as of the date of this proclamation.  I have further determined that the interests of the United States are served by suspending the entry into the United States, as immigrants or nonimmigrants, of aliens whose property and interests in property have been blocked by an Executive Order issued in whole or in part pursuant to the President's authority under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.).

NOW, THEREFORE, I, BARACK OBAMA, by the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, as amended (8 U.S.C. 1182(f)), and section 301 of title 3, United States Code hereby find that the unrestricted immigrant and nonimmigrant entry into the United States of persons described in section 1 of this proclamation would be detrimental to the interests of the United States.  I therefore hereby proclaim that:

Section 1.  The entry into the United States, as immigrants or nonimmigrants, of the following persons is hereby suspended:

Sec. 7.  This proclamation is effective immediately and shall remain in effect until such time as the Secretary of State determines that it is no longer necessary and should be terminated, either in whole or in part.  Any such termination shall become effective upon publication in the Federal Register.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this twenty-fourth day of July, in the year of our Lord two thousand eleven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-sixth.

BARACK OBAMA


Annex  A:  United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs)
1) UNSCR 1521 (2003) (concerning Liberia):  http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1521/
2) UNSCR1572 (2004)) (concerning Côte d’Ivoire):  http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1572/resolutions.shtml
3) UNSCR 1591 (2005) (concerning Sudan):  http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1591/
4) UNSCR 1636 (2005) (concerning Lebanon):  http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1636/
5) UNSCR 1718 (2006) (concerning North Korea):  http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1718/
6) UNSCR 1844 (2008) (concerning Somalia):  http://www.un.org/sc/committees/751/
7) UNSCR 1857 (2008) (concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo):  http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1533/
8) UNSCR 1907 (2009) (concerning Eritrea):  http://www.un.org/sc/committees/751/
9) UNSCR 1929 (2010) (concerning Iran):  http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1737/
10) UNSCR 1970 and 1973 (2011) (concerning the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya):  http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1970/
11) UNSCR 1988 (2011) (concerning Afghanistan): http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1988/
12) UNSCR 1989 (2011) (concerning Al Qaeda) http://www.un.org/sc/committees/1267/


Annex B:  Executive Orders
1) Executive Order 12947 of January 23, 1995 (Prohibiting Transactions With Terrorists Who Threaten to Disrupt the Middle East Peace Process), as amended by Executive Order 13099 of August 20, 1998 (Prohibiting Transactions With Terrorists Who Threaten to Disrupt the Middle East Peace Process)
2) Executive Order 12978 of October 21, 1995 (Blocking Assets and Prohibiting Transactions With Significant Narcotics Traffickers)
3) Executive Order 13067 of November 3, 1997 (Blocking Sudanese Government Property and Prohibiting Transactions With Sudan)
4) Executive Order 13219 of June 26, 2001 (Blocking Property of Persons Who Threaten International Stabilization Efforts in the Western Balkans), as amended by Executive Order 13304 of May 28, 2003 (Termination of National Emergencies With Respect to Yugoslavia and Modification of Executive Order 13219 of June 26, 2001)
5) Executive Order 13224 of September 23, 2001 (Blocking Property and Prohibiting Transactions With Persons Who Commit, Threaten to Commit, or Support Terrorism), as amended by Executive Order 13268 of July 2, 2002 (Termination of Emergency With Respect to the Taliban and Amendment of Executive Order 13224 of September 23, 2001)
...

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Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1718 (2006)

The Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1718 (2006) was established on 14 October 2006 to oversee the relevant sanctions measures and to undertake the tasks set out in paragraph 12 of that same resolution. Additional functions were entrusted by the Council to the Committee in resolution 1874 (2009).  

By its resolutions 1718 (2006) and 1874 (2009), the Council imposed certain measures relating to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). These measures include:

== == == == == == == == == == == == == == == ==
== == == == == == == == == == == == == == == ==

Last updated 16 July 2009 
LIST OF ENTITIES, GOODS AND INDIVIDUALS SUBJECT TO THE MEASURES IMPOSED BY PARAGRAPH 8 OF RESOLUTION 1718 (2006) 

A), Entities

1., Korea Mining Development Trading Corporation
2. Korea Ryonbong General Corporation

B) Goods

C) individuals
1. Yun Ho-jin 

Balkan Justice Hasn’t Deterred Crimes Elsewhere

July 21, 2011

July 22 (Bloomberg) -- Until his July 20 arrest by the Serbian government, Goran Hadzic was the last person indicted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia to have escaped capture. Hadzic was charged for his alleged role in the murder of Croatian civilians. This arrest is a welcome milestone for international law and for peace and prosperity in southeastern Europe.

Along with the May 26 capture of Ratko Mladic, who was indicted for war crimes committed in Bosnia, the news indicates that Serbia has broken decisively with the virulent nationalism that was the primary cause of the Balkan wars of the 1990s. Serbian President Boris Tadic deserves much credit for this transformation.

Serbia now is a strong candidate for membership in both the European Union and NATO. The prospect of joining those organizations surely spurred Belgrade’s action. Both now have a duty to respond by expeditiously welcoming a new Serbia into these crucial European institutions.

Credit also is due to the court, which focused on individual responsibility rather than collective guilt. This helped foster reconciliation among Serbs, Croats and Muslims in the former Yugoslavia.

(failure of the ICTY to deter other would-be war criminals)
But beyond the Balkans, it would be a mistake to exaggerate the court’s relevance as a deterrent to other would-be war criminals.  The court was successful because its jurisdiction was limited and a broad consensus existed that these were the most heinous human rights violations in Europe since World War II.

The genocide in Darfur, Charles Taylor’s crimes in western Africa, the slaughter of civilians in Sri Lanka, and Muammar Qaddafi’s willingness to wage war against his own people in Libya all demonstrate a larger truth. International law, for all its good intentions, is no substitute for international action.

Read more Bloomberg View editorials.

--Editors: Stuart Seldowitz, James P. Rubin


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It would be naive to expect that the ICTY or even the ICC will directly cause atrocities to drop. 
Anyway, war or more broadly speaking armed conflict keeps happening.

If the ICTY had been designed specifically to deter would-be such crimes, the punishment would have been much more severe. Given the seriousness of the crime the convicted committed, the punishment is symbolic, rather than corresponding to retribution or deterrence. 


I am not saying deterrence was not in minds of the ad hoc tribunal founders. The establishment of the ICTY is a compromise around responsibility to protect and political inertia. In this sense the ICTY can be counted as an "international action." 


I don't really see what the author meant by "international action." If s/he meant something like an action under Article 42 of the U.N. Charter, the ICTY should be a substitute for international action under some circumstances. 

The first domestic war crimes trial in Uganda - Thomas Kwoyelo


The first domestic war crimes trial in Uganda

..  (ICD) International Crimes Division in Gulu (district), northern Uganda  
..  a specialised domestic court system to try suspects accused of committing international crimes
..  (ICD’s history)  International Crimes Division (ICD), a division of Uganda’s High Court set up in 2009 by the Ugandan government as part of its efforts to implement the 2008 Juba peace agreements between the Ugandan government and the LRA
..  (Juba Peace Talks)  abuse of complementarity clause ; ICD blocked the reach of the ICC to the LRA leaders ; though Juba Peace Agreement was not concluded, move ahead with setting up of the ICD     
..  (ICD’s jurisdiction)  The division has the authority to try genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, terrorism, human trafficking, piracy and any other international crime defined in Uganda’s Penal Code Act, the 1964 Geneva Conventions Act, the 2010 International Criminal Court Act (ICCA), or any other criminal law.
..  (delay trend) one major challenge facing Ugandan justice system   


Defendant
..  Thomas Kwoyelo, a former Lord Resistance Army (LRA) combatant
..  the rebel group (LRA) has been engaged in war for two decades
..  captured during the Uganda People's Defence Forces’s (UPDF’s) operation in March 2009
..  charged with grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions under the Ugandan Geneva Conventions Act
..  the first of the rebel group to be tried
..  amnesty was denied, (while other high ranking LRA commanders were)
..  his trial is selective ?
..  three preliminary objections (amnesty, access to prosecution file, GC Law)

Implication
..  Sudan’s involvement in terms of whether armed conflict of international character
..  if ICD turns out to be successful, will the ICC drop warrants it already issued ?    

Question
..  complementarity under Rome Statute  vs.  domestic amnesty legislation ? 
..  anyway, here, Kwoyelo is not sought by the ICC 


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LRA’s Kwoyelo to be charged in Uganda’s first domestic War Crimes trial
JULY 8, 2011 BY HAGGAI MATSIKO

Former Lord Resistance Army (LRA) combatant, Thomas Kwoyelo will on July.11 appear before the Uganda International Crimes Division in Gulu, northern Uganda –in the country’s first domestic war crimes trial.

Kwoyelo, is the first of the rebel group – that has for two-decade been engaged in a war that was characterized by extensive violations of human rights especially in Northern Uganda – to be tried. And holding the trial in Gulu is intended to increase its visibility and resonance with the communities that were most affected by the crimes committed during the conflict, according to Human Rights Watch.

“Domestic war crimes prosecutions are essential to ensuring perpetrators of serious crimes committed during the conflict in northern Uganda do not escape justice,” said Elise Keppler, senior international justice counsel at Human Rights Watch.  “But trials must be fair and credible, and witnesses need adequate protection. This first trial before the International Crimes Division will test whether these standards are being met.”

Kwoyelo , captured during UPDF’s operation lightening thunder on March 2009 as the army flushed out the LRA of the DRC forests, is charged with grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions under the Ugandan Geneva Conventions Act. He was initially charged in June 2009 with crimes under Uganda’s penal code before being transferred to the regular prison system.

In August 2010, he was charged with violations of Uganda’s 1964 Geneva Conventions Act, including the grave breaches of willful killing, taking hostages, and extensive destruction of property in the Amuru and Gulu districts of northern Uganda.

Since then, he was held for a time in Gulu Prison and was later transferred to Luzira prison, a maximum security facility near Kampala, where he has been for the rest of his detention.

Kwoyelo is the first person to be tried by Uganda’s new International Crimes Division (ICD), a division of Uganda’s High Court set up in 2009 by the Ugandan government as part of its efforts to implement the 2008 Juba peace agreements between the Ugandan government and the LRA.

The division has the authority to try genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, terrorism, human trafficking, piracy and any other international crime defined in Uganda’s Penal Code Act, the 1964 Geneva Conventions Act, the 2010 International Criminal Court Act (ICCA), or any other criminal law.

ICCA which defines crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide as domestic offenses in Uganda, does not contain any explicit provision stating that it can be applied to crimes committed before the law’s enactment in June 2010, and so according to Uganda’s Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP), it should not be. This would severely restrict its use to prosecute crimes committed during most of the conflict in northern Uganda.

According to the Amnesty Commission, Kwoyelo applied for amnesty but he was not granted. The commission referred the case to the Directorate of Public Prosecutions as required under the act when individuals are in custody. But the DPP has not responded to the Amnesty Commission’s request.

However, over 12,000 people including high ranking LRA commanders like Brigadier Kenneth Banya and Brigadier Sam Kolo Otto, as well as Lt Col. Opio Makasi, have all received amnesty under the act over the last several years.

Kwoyelo case: Apply international fair trial principles
By Sharon Nakandha , Monday, July 18 2011

Thomas Kwoyelo recently became the first suspect to appear before the newly-established International Crimes Division. We have to commend our country for initiating this critical step towards ensuring that Uganda has a specialised domestic court system in place to try suspects accused of committing international crimes.

As many of us may know, the major challenges facing our justice system today is the somewhat unnecessary delay in the courts in regard to concluding matters that come before them. I, like many others, acknowledge that this trial may raise very complex questions to determine, but the International Criminal Division should not follow this delay trend. For the accused person and the victims of the 20-year LRA conflict, who are keenly monitoring this case, inordinately long delays of the trial process may make justice lose its true meaning and value.

Our main focus should be on ensuring that whatever the verdict, the peace that the people of northern Uganda are now enjoying, is maintained and that our country never suffers a conflict of that nature and magnitude again.

Further, the International Criminal Division and other stakeholders in the justice system should explore avenues through which the victims of this conflict can be compensated for the pain and suffering they have undergone during and after the conflict.

The court should quickly establish its outreach section, which will update the victims of this conflict and the public at large, on the progress of the Kwoyelo case and others before it. This will allow people to understand the proceedings before the court and give them an opportunity to acknowledge that it has a role to play in ensuring accountability and justice for international crimes.

Ms Nakandha is a lawyer with Avocats Sans Frontieres-Uganda
snakandha@gmail.com

War crimes: Kwoyelo still has sympathizers
Written by Sunrise Reporters, Tuesday, 19 July 2011

After two years since he was captured by the Uganda People's Defence Forces (UPDF) Kwoyelo appeared before a panel of four judges and was charged with 53 counts of murder, hostage-taking, destruction of property and causing injury. He denied all charges. 

Kwoyelo's trial is the first of its kind since the International Criminal Court in the Hague (ICC) indicted his rebel colleagues Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti, Okot Odhiambo and Raska Lukwiya.

Principal Judge Justice Yorokamu Bamwiine said Ugandans and the international community have a feeling that justice must be done and it is there to be done. The trial is being presided over by Justices Akiiki Kiiza, Elizabeth Ibanda Nahamya and Alfonse Owiny Dolo - all judges of the War Crimes Division of Uganda's High Court, renamed International Crimes Division.

Gulu district chairman Martin Ojara Mapenduzi, said the trial is an eye opener for the LRA commanders still in hiding as well as some senior figures in the government that they cannot commit crimes with impunity and get away with it.

Two of the five LRA commanders indicted by ICC remain at large and are believed to be leading an on-going rebel assaults in parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, South Sudan's Western Equatorial State and in the Central African Republic.

However, others like Lino Owor Ogora, the Team Leader Research Advocacy and Documentation at the Justice and Reconciliation Project in Gulu, Kwoyelo's trial is selective.

"I think the war crimes division really wanted to have a case on the ground because we are failing to understand why and how they arrived at Kwoyelo," he said.

Update on the trial of Thomas Kwoyelo, former LRA combatant
JULY 12, 2011

Human Rights Watch attended the opening of the trial of Thomas Kwoyelo

The ICD sat as a panel of three, presided over by Justice Dan Akiiki-Kiiza. The prosecution opened proceedings by seeking to enter an amended indictment. The new indictment extends the counts against Kwoyelo from 12 charges of grave breaches under the fourth Geneva Convention (incorporated in domestic law as the Ugandan Geneva Conventions Act of 1964) to 65 charges in all. It added 53 alternative counts of penal code violations such as murder, kidnapping, and aggravated robbery. The charges were translated into Luo, Kwoyelo's mother tongue, and read to him, and he pled not guilty to all counts.

Kwoyelo's defense counsel signalled to the court that they would raise three preliminary objections to the trial. One would be in regard to the state's failure to apply Uganda's Amnesty Law to Kwoyelo, although thousands of other LRA combatants have been granted amnesty under the act. The second would be to the fact that they had yet to receive full disclosure of the prosecution file, including exculpatory evidence. The third would be to the application of the Geneva Conventions Act to Kwoyelo's alleged conduct. The objections have not been formally lodged and accepted by the court but will be before the court to deliberate on when it resumes on July 25.

Immediately before the trial opened, the ICD held a public information session led by the registrar of the High Court, the judges from the ICD, and the principal judge. Questions posed by the public, which reflected both a wide interest in and general understanding of the significance of the trial, included issues relating to victim and witness protection, victim participation, application of the Geneva Conventions Act, prosecution of gender-based crimes, and Uganda's Amnesty Act. Plans to make the proceedings available on a screen outside the courthouse to enable the large number of interested people to follow the trial are being discussed and should be in place by the time the second hearing takes place.

Kwoyelo’s Mum (Mother) Begs Gov’t To Pardon Her Son
July 22, 2011 ; By Ronald Odongo, lira.

Rujulina Oyeka, 75, a resident of Acutcam village, Pabbo Sub County, Amuru district said her son should be forgiven for all the alleged crimes which he reportedly committed while serving as the LRA operations commander. “He was also abducted by the rebels at the age of 15 on his way from Ogwera Primary School.  His bosses instructed him to do whatever he did while in the bush. … “

While in the bush, Kwoyelo used to look after casualties until around 1996 when he was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel and made a commander, according to Ogil (John Ogil 32, Kwoyelo’s brother).  Kwoyelo who was captured in December 2009 by the joint forces during operation lightning thunder in Garamba national park in the DRC, on Monday denied all the charges against him at the War Crimes Division of the Gulu High Court. His lawyer, Caleb Alaka asked court to compel the state to grant Kwoyelo amnesty which he applied for in 2010.

Uganda’s Controversial First War Crimes Trial: Thomas Kwoyelo
July 12, 2011 by Mark Kersten 

The International Crimes Division of Uganda’s High Court was set up in the wake of the Juba Peace Talks (2006-2008), the latest attempt to resolve the seemingly intractable conflict between the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Government of Uganda.  In the context of widespread fears that LRA leader Joseph Kony would not sign the peace agreement unless the ICC arrest warrant against him was dropped, the International Crimes Division was viewed as an institution which could circumvent the need to bring LRA leaders to the ICC. In the end, however, Kony refused to sign the final Juba Peace Agreement. Nevertheless, the Government of Uganda moved forward and established the Division. Kwoyelo, who was captured in 2009, is the Division’s first defendant.

The biggest controversy at the trial has to do with whether or not Kwoyelo should receive amnesty.  In 2000, the Government of Uganda passed the Amnesty Act which was intended to provide protection from prosecution as an incentive to LRA combatants who defected.  The record of the Amnesty Act remains uncertain – some say it has been effective in getting LRA combatants to defect; others disagree. It has been a rather confused process. Those “most responsible” for atrocities in the LRA, including Joseph Kony, have been offered full amnesty by the government only to have it revoked and then offered again.

Selective ?
Kwoyelo’s defense counsel argue that he should be granted amnesty. Kwoyelo has appliedto Uganda’s Amnesty Commission and many believe there is no legal reason to bar him from receiving amnesty which does not stipulate that anyone should be excluded.  In other words, it is a blanket amnesty.  However, to date, he has not received a verdict and his application is “pending”.  Further complicating matters is that other LRA members with higher seniority in the rebel group have successfully received amnesty. Caleb Alaka, Kwoyelo’s chief Defense Lawyer argued:

“High officers in the LRA…were granted amnesty. Since the brigadiers were granted amnesty, the denial by the directorate of public prosecutions…infringes on [Kwoyelo's] constitutional rights to fair treatment.”

In other words, by trying Kwoyelo while amnestying others, Kwoyelo’s defense raises the specter that this constitutes a violation of the constitutional guarantee of equality before the law.

Some will say this argument is irrelevant because amnesty laws for international crimes run contrary to the international duty and obligation to prosecute. That is not so clear, particularly in this case.  Kwoyelo is not one of the LRA commanders sought by the ICC.  Further, despite the high rhetoric of human rights groups, as numerous legal scholars have pointed out, the international duty to prosecute may be crystalizing but has not yet crystalized. Amnesties continue to be used as much, if not more frequently, in negotiated peace settlements and, to quote the renowned legal academic Michael Scharf on this issue:

“a ‘rule’ that is so divorced from the realities of State practice…cannot be said to be a binding rule at all, but rather an aspiration.”

To date, the international community has not vehemently demanded that other captured LRA leaders like Brigadiers Sam Kolo and Kenneth Banya, who have received amnesty, must be prosecuted. It is unclear why Kwoyelo should be treated substantially differently than either Kolo or Banya. More specifically, if Kwoyelo’s case is unlike others and the Government feels he must be prosecuted, the reasons for denying him amnesty and thus necessitating his prosecution must be made clear to him and his defense. Indeed, you would think this should happen before his trial.

There are numerous other interesting dynamics to consider during this trial that both international lawyers and conflict resolution observers should be keen to keep an eye on. For lack of time, I will briefly consider two.

First, Kwoyelo’s charges are based on violations of Uganda’s 1964 Geneva Conventions Act.  The Act requires that the violations be done in the context of an international conflict, understood here as a conflict between two or more states. In order to demonstrate that Kwoyelo’s acts occurred in the context of an international conflict, rather than a civil war, the prosecution may have to provide evidence that external actors were directly involved in the war.  In order to do so, the prosecution would presumably have to illustrate that the government of Sudan was a party in the conflict. While it is clear by now that Khartoum used the LRA as a proxy group against Southern Sudan’s SPLM/A, the Government of Uganda has never produced direct evidence of it.

Second, the trial – if conducted fairly and legitimately – will certainly set a key precedence for international criminal justice as it relates to Uganda. In 2008, the ICC rejected an admissibility case to have the Court’s warrants against Kony and other senior LRA members dropped. While one trial may not be sufficient, if the International Crimes Division can successfully try LRA combatants,  attempts to challenge the ICC’s warrants may receive new life.    

Note: an earlier version of this post incorrectly stated that Kwoyelo has twice applied for amnesty. He has only applied once.

Uganda opens first war crimes trial ; July 22, 2011

Overview of the civil war in Uganda  
The insurgency and the fighting between the rebels and Ugandan forces claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people and saw nearly two million displaced.

The civil war effectively ended in 2006 when a peace process was launched, but Kony and his top commanders have remained elusive and continued to commit atrocities in remote areas of neighbouring countries.  (Kony at large)

Troops from Congo, Uganda and Sudan began a joint offensive in late 2008 against the LRA after Kony repeatedly failed to show up to sign a peace deal with Kampala, but they have failed to capture him.

Uganda:Thomas Kwoyelo tried for crimes against humanity , July 22,

In 1993, the United Nations Security Council adopted a report from the Secretary-General and a Commission of Experts which concluded that the Geneva Conventions had passed into the body of customary international law, thus making them binding on non-signatories to the Conventions, like the LRA, whenever they engage in armed conflicts.

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Compromise Isn’t a Dirty Word ; Obama speaks to college students






Emancipation Proclamation
War time president making a compromise around probably the greatest moral issue the country’ ever faced because he understood that right now my job is to win the war and maintain the union.
How huffingtonpost report on that? Lincoln sells out slavery.
It does not mean that you are not principled. 


The White House Blog

Compromise Isn’t a Dirty Word
Posted by David Plouffe on July 15, 2011 at 04:07 PM EDT

Back in March, I was in the room as President Obama spoke to a group of young Americans of different political persuasions in Massachusetts.  He spoke candidly and openly about the importance of compromise in our democracy — even from people who care passionately about their position.

Take a look:


The President speaks to a bi-partisan group of college students



One quote stuck with me: “the nature of our democracy and the nature of our politics is to marry principle to a political process that means you don't get 100% of what you want.”

This is a President who believes searching for common ground is the right way to approach solving our problems. And in fact, in the divided government our country has chosen, it’s the only way we can.

Unfortunately, that view isn’t shared by everyone in Washington, DC.  And you can see that right now as the President is trying to bring people together to tackle our debt and get our fiscal house in order.

This is a difficult process, and it means Republicans and Democrats need to step outside their political comfort zone and find some common ground — the President is willing to make tough cuts with real impacts, not easy decisions.

But most Congressional Republicans have dug in and demanded that the sacrifice fall only on the middle class, seniors and struggling Americans.

The President tried to make it easy for them by suggesting closing some of the most egregious loopholes for the very wealthiest Americans and special interests — so that hedge fund managers don’t pay lower taxes than firefighters and teachers, corporate jet owners don’t pay lower taxes than commercial airlines, and oil companies don’t get tax cuts at a time they are making record profits.  

Congressional Republicans have not yet given an inch even though the American people, regardless of which political party they belong to, overwhelmingly approve of this common sense, balanced approach.

Our nation is climbing out of the worst recession since the Great Depression, and one of the most important things we can do to help the economy is to get our fiscal house in order and reduce our Nation’s deficit.  We can’t let this moment pass us by.

Compromise isn’t a dirty word — in fact, it’s the only way our democracy can get big things done.

David Plouffe is a Senior Advisor to the President


Republic of South Sudan Becomes 193rd Member of the United Nations

http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/international_law/2011/07/republic-of-south-sudan-becomes-193rd-member-of-the-united-nations.html

The General Assembly today admitted the Republic of South Sudan as the 193rd member of the United Nations, welcoming the newly independent country to the community of nations. 

South Sudan’s independence from the rest of Sudan is the result of the January 2011 referendum held under the terms of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that ended the decades-long civil war between the North and the South. 


Assembly President Joseph Deiss said today marks a “historic” moment for Africa and for the world community. 


Speaking on behalf of South Sudan, Vice President Riek Machar said he was “honoured and humbled” to stand before Member States to convey the gratitude of his Government and people to the Assembly for admitting the new nation to membership in the UN. 



As South Sudan’s flag was hoisted at UN Headquarters, Mr. Ban pledged that the world body will work with the country to realize all the hopes and dreams the flag represents. “Like your flag, let us rise. Let us rise, together, to the challenge.”

The latest country to join the world body had until now been Montenegro, which became the 192nd UN Member State on 28 June 2006, just weeks after it gained its independence from Serbia.
(UN Press Release)

Progress of the World’s Women: In Pursuit of Justice

United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women


http://progress.unwomen.org/pdfs/EN-Report-Progress.pdf

Samsung is no match for Apple: Ahn Cheol-Soo


Samsung is no match for Apple: Ahn Cheol-Soo

2011-07-13

Samsung is no match for Apple, IT guru Ahn Cheol-soo said in a recent interview with The Korea Herald, stressing that Samsung is paying the price for failing to create and encourage original platforms.

“The vibes we are getting from abroad on the situation are quite different from what we are feeling in Korea,” Ahn said.

Apple and Samsung are currently embroiled in a bitter legal dispute over licensing rights.

“Samsung, despite its position as a conglomerate, has failed to create an ecological business environment and instead has turned the industry into a zoo,” Ahn said.

He used the zoo metaphor to indicate that the business sector has become a ruthless place where nobody gets a second chance, and because there are no second chances, nobody takes risks to form their own platforms.

Because Korea has no real platform, the entire digital industry has fallen five years behind the U.S., said Ahn, now dean of Graduate School of Convergence Science and Technology at Seoul National University.

Ahn went on to say that none of the domestic conglomerates seem interested in encouraging second-tier players to help shape a corporate “eco-system” where failing is allowed to pave the way for eventual success.

The feud between Apple and Samsung started in April when the California-based company sued Samsung for “blatantly copying” its iPhones and iPads.

Samsung, fired back with a countersuit, claiming Apple infringed on its communication technology.

Samsung, which has sued Apple in eight courts in six countries, recently dropped one of its suits in California, but stressed the move was aimed to streamline its legal proceedings.

Ahn also serves as chairman of the board at AhnLab, the antivirus software and security solutions company he founded in 1995.

By Kim Ji-hyun (jemmie@heraldm.com)

Will the ICC arrest warrant Help Defeat Qaddafi? (June 28, 2011)


Will the ICC Help Defeat Qaddafi?  

June 28, 2011 ; Deborah Jerome, Deputy Editor

Muammar al-Qaddafi could face a war crimes trial at The Hague after the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued arrest warrants for him, along with his son Saif al-Islam and his military intelligence chief General Abdullah al-Sanoussi.  The June 27 warrants, which came on the one hundredth day of international military operations in Libya, allege the men were involved in ordering security forces to fire on unarmed protesters in February.  But while many Libyans in Benghazi, Misurata, and elsewhere celebrated the ICC's announcement, questions abound about whether the warrants will speed the regime's fall or deepen its defiance (TIME).

Qaddafi and the others named by the ICC are accused of orchestrating the killing (WashPost), injuring, arrest, and imprisonment of hundreds of civilians during the first dozen days of the uprising against Qaddafi.  Thousands more have died since.  The hostilities have led to humanitarian concerns about the flight of Libyans into Europe and neighboring countries.  Oil markets have also been disrupted, with oil prices at their lowest yesterday (National) since the start of the Libyan conflict, as markets prepared for a global release from crude reserves.  The Qaddafi regime's ouster is a condition for the cessation of NATO military operations and the departure of allied troops.

The Qaddafi regime dismissed the court's announcement (Reuters).  Libya is not a signatory to the Rome statute establishing the ICC in 1998, and the court only has jurisdiction in countries that have signed and ratified the statute; it relies on member states and other international organizations to perform arrests and has limited enforcement mechanisms.  The only other warrant the ICC has issued for a sitting leader was in 2005 for Sudan's Omar Hassan al-Bashir, for crimes in Darfur. Bashir remains in power, though his movements out of the country are somewhat constricted (he is traveling to China this week).   (Sudan unsigned the Rome Statute)

So while the ICC warrants further isolate Qaddafi (alArabiya) and "dramatize the illegitimacy of his regime in the eyes of most of the world,,, [they do] not ensure he will appear in the dock at The Hague any time soon--if ever," writes London-based analyst Ray Moseley.   Is the ICC warrant meaningless, then?  

pros (argument for warrant)
Some human rights activists argue that such arrests can act as a warning to other repressive leaders.   "The record from other conflicts also shows that arrest warrants for senior leaders can actually strengthen peace efforts by stigmatizing those who stand in the way of conflict resolution," says Human Rights Watch, noting "the indictments of Radovan Karadzic and Radko Mladic by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia are credited with keeping them sidelined during the Dayton peace talks, which led to the end of the Bosnian war." White House spokesman Jay Carney said the Qaddafi warrant (CNN) is "another step in the process of holding him accountable."

cons (argument against warrant)  
Others, like the Guardian's Simon Tisdall, argue that "the court's demarche may reinforce Qaddafi's determination to stay" and fight. "Heads of state are less inclined to consider a negotiated settlement (CSMonitor), once they're in an armed conflict like this, if they have an international indictment hanging over their head," concurs Steven Groves of the Heritage Foundation. And if Qaddafi did step aside and accept exile, a deal would have to address his likely insistence on being shielded from arrest (LAT), which would effectively weaken international justice. The ICC warrant could serve as a "bargaining chip" in negotiations over ending Libya's civil war, writes Max Fisher on TheAtlantic.com, "but it's not quite international justice in the legal sense of the term."

"The arrest of one or more of these perpetrators and their transfer to The Hague would make the public perceive the ICC as a real player," writes David Kaye, executive director of the UCLA School of Law International Human Rights Program, in Foreign Affairs. "But a bad outcome--no arrest, continued atrocities, a safe haven, or something else for the Libya three--could further ingrain in the international community an image of the court as more of a tool than a valuable end in itself."

Selected Analysis
The ICC must place greater emphasis on strengthening the national justice systems of countries where atrocities have occurred, writes David Kaye.  He argues in this CFR Special Report that accountability should be integrated into building rule of law after a conflict.
"International criminal tribunals are rife with shortcomings--and should remain only a secondary option, when local forms of delivering justice are impossible," writes CFR's Stewart M. Patrick on his blog, The Internationalist.
The ICC must decide how it will deal with aggression, a crime listed in the Rome statute. Trying to identify aggressors could politicize the court and undermine its credibility, says the Economist

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Pros and Cons of issuing arrest warrant for Gaddafi 

A Gaddafi Arrest Warrant Raises the Stakes in Libya
By Vivienne Walt Monday, June 27, 2011

Question presented
It remains unclear whether the ICC warrants will speed an end to the war by accelerating the breakup of the regime, through the isolation of the Gaddafis, or will deepen its defiance by cutting off lines of retreat.

Enforcement in terms of arrest
Under the international court's rules, the Libyan regime is now responsible for rounding up the men and sending them to The Hague for trial. "One does not need to be a law professor to understand the unlikely scenario of the Libyan authorities to act on this," says Richard Dicker, Human Rights Watch's international justice program director

(DO- “under the international court’s rule” ?? Libya is not a state party to the Rome Statute.  Why Libya is “under the court’s rule” ?  Libya is under article 25 of the U.N. Charter, at best.)    

Ineffectiveness of the ICC
Despite billions in funding, the court has failed to convict a single defendant in its eight-year history. Its arrest warrant against Sudan's President Bashir was issued in March, 2009; more than two years later, the Sudanese leader is still in power and even traveling internationally

If NATO finally orders in ground forces — which it has, until now, vowed not to do — those forces could be obligated to arrest the three men should they be captured by countries that recognize the ICC. (The U.S. does not recognize the court.)
And if Gaddafi finally agrees to exile, he is now barred from going to any country which has ratified the ICC. There are still plenty of destinations which would welcome him, however, including Saudi Arabia, Zimbabwe, Angola and North Korea. And, says Dicker, "He could live in suburban Washington D.C., since the U.S. would have no obligation to arrest him."

ICC Warrant: Political value but no certainty of a trial. Analysis by Ray Moseley
Monday, 27 June 2011

The International Criminal Court’s action on Monday in issuing an arrest warrant for Colonel Muammar Qaddafi is primarily of political and psychological significance at this point.

It further isolates the Libyan ruler and dramatizes the illegitimacy of his regime in the eyes of most of the world, but does not ensure he will appear in the dock at The Hague any time soon—if ever.

The move is not without controversy. While many would argue that the international community has a moral and legal obligation to make the colonel accountable for crimes against his own people, (vs.) some experts maintain that the arrest warrants will only give him greater incentive to try to hang onto power.  In short, they question the timing, not the action itself

Colonel Qaddafi’s options are in any case limited. Either he wins his battle to stay in power (most unlikely), dies fighting, or seeks refuge in one of the few countries willing to give him sanctuary and to defy the will of the court. He has consistently maintained he will never leave Libya.

ICC thus far
The case is certainly the most important one to come before the court in its nine-year existence. Until Monday it had indicted 23 people, with proceedings under way against 21 of them. Arrest warrants had been issued for 14 persons and summonses to nine others.  But so far not a single individual has been convicted by the court. 

The current cases mostly relate to people in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Central African Republic

Israel and Sudan have joined the US in “unsigning” the accords establishing the court, meaning they have no intention of ever accepting its jurisdiction against their nationals.

(Ray Moseley is a London-based former chief European correspondent of the Chicago Tribune and has worked extensively in the Middle East. He can be reached at rnmoseley@aol.com.)

International Criminal Court issues arrest warrant for Gadhafi
By the CNN Wire Staff , June 27, 2011

Libya is not a signatory to the Rome Statute that established the international court's authority, and the court does not have the power to enter Libya and arrest the leaders.

(DO- does it mean that the court would have authority to enter Libya if she were a state party to the Rome Statute ? I would be surprised if the court is empowered to physically enter a member state.  Even the U.S. Security Council is only empowered to impose sanction to enforce its decision.  Does the ICC has an authority equivalent to Article 42 of the U.N. Charter? )

The U.N. Security Council referred the matter to the ICC through a resolution February 26, following widespread complaints about Gadhafi's efforts to crush a rebellion. The resolution said that, while "states not party to the Rome Statute have no obligations under the statute, the Security Council urged all states and concerned regional and other international organisations to cooperate fully with the court and the prosecutor."   

Michael Rubin, an analyst with the conservative American Enterprise Institute, said the court's move could damage efforts to get Gadhafi to end his 42-year reign, because he would not seek refuge in a country that is a party or signatory to the Rome Statute.

Fairness (double standard)
While the ICC decision is justified, Ahmida said, cynics in the region will ask why Gadhafi was selected and not others. "Why not (former Egyptian President Hosni) Mubarak? Why not (former Tunisian President Zine El-Abidine Ben) Ali?" Mubarak and Ali both gave up power following protests in their countries. "The court is selecting some dictators to indict, and being silent about others. That may be the biggest issue for the court," Ahmida said. Ali Ahmida, an analyst at the University of New England who was born in Libya

Libya: Warrants Send Strong Message to Abusive Leaders
Pursuit of Justice No Barrier to Lasting Peace , JUNE 27, 2011

it is unlikely that there is a connection ** between the ICC investigation (arrest warrant) and Gaddafi's refusal to step down, Human Rights Watch said.

The record from other conflicts also shows that arrest warrants for senior leaders can actually strengthen peace efforts by stigmatizing those who stand in the way of conflict resolution. For example, the indictments of Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia are credited with keeping them sidelined during the Dayton peace talks, which led to the end of the Bosnian war.

"As a judicial undertaking, the court's work is distinct from the military and diplomatic initiatives unfolding in Libya and it would be a mistake to conflate them," Dicker said. "Justice, to be credible, must run its independent course."

Because the ICC has no police force of its own, it depends on national authorities to make arrests on its behalf.  Resolution 1970 requires the Libyan authorities to cooperate fully with the court. In April, the opposition authority in Libya, the Interim Transitional National Council, promised to cooperate with the ICC in a letter to the Prosecutor's Office.

Any suspect who is arrested or who surrenders to the court has an opportunity to object to the charges and to challenge the evidence in a "confirmation of charges" hearing.

Security Council resolution 1970 says that nationals from states outside Libya that are not parties to the ICC statute are not subject to ICC jurisdiction for all alleged acts arising out of operations in Libya established or authorized by the Security Council.  

Resolution 1973, which authorizes member states "to take all necessary measures" to protect civilians in Libya

Against warrant  
This arrest warrant could make Gaddafi more dangerous
The international criminal court's decision to charge the Libyan leader means he has nowhere to go. He may simply dig in
Simon Tisdall , Monday 27 June 2011

Encourage him to dig in
But far from hastening his removal from power, the court's demarche may reinforce Gaddafi's determination to stay and fight to the bitter end.

No longer negotiation
It's an obvious divide-and-rule tactic, but it may slowly be having a cumulative effect. Reports this week of  secret talks in Tunisia involving senior Libyan cabinet members, high-profile defections and a renewed offer by the regime spokesman (later partially withdrawn) to put Gaddafi's continued tenure to a popular vote have encouraged those looking for fatal cracks in the Tripoli edifice.  Welcoming the warrants, a rebel spokesman suggested they meant Gaddafi was finished and there was no longer any point in even trying to negotiate with a "war criminal" regime.

Whether his removal is a key success ; again Africa ?  
As usual, there is a large dose of unreality and wishful thinking about all this. The ICC's action could easily backfire, as have other aspects of Libyan policy. The court's personal targeting of Gaddafi will revive questions about the wisdom of the Anglo-French-US approach (distinct from that of Nato) of making his removal from power the key measure of success in Libya.
It will also fuel claims that the ICC is only interested in pursuing African leaders, as in Sudan and Kenya, and that the US in particular (which is not a party to the ICC) is guilty of double standards.

The UNSCR is not a basis for his removal (ICC warrant) ;
The UN security council resolution authorising military intervention was silent on the issue of Gaddafi's status. It had to be. If the resolution had been openly portrayed as authorising regime change, or a de facto assassination, it would certainly have been vetoed by Russia or China or both.

Only cornered him
The ICC has added its weight to attempts to corner Gaddafi. But cornered, he is rendered all the more dangerous.

Libya's Qaddafi charged with war crimes: a help or hindrance to NATO?
By Howard LaFranchi, Staff writer / June 27, 2011

If anything, the international court’s action may result in an even more drawn-out Libyan conflict. It may serve to reinforce Qaddafi’s determination to outfox NATO warplanes and his resistance to any diplomatic solution entailing his departure from Libya, because he could perceive that giving up is now tantamount to arrest.  

says Steven Groves, an expert in human rights and international institutions at the Heritage Foundation in Washington. “This is likely to make him more resolved to stick it out.”
 “Heads of state are less inclined to consider a negotiated settlement, once they’re in an armed conflict like this, if they have an international indictment hanging over their head.”

(DO – worth noting that he is from Heritage ? )