Intimidating Kim Jong Un with B-2 bombers is expensive


Intimidating Kim Jong Un with B-2 bombers is expensive
Posted By John Hudson   Thursday, March 28,

Today, the United States sent a warning to North Korea by deploying two nuclear-capable B-2 bombers to drop munitions near North Korea in a joint military drill with South Korea. The Associated Press called the muscle-flexing "unprecedented." Time's ace defense writer Mark Thompson deemed the military's announcement "unusual."

One of the reasons the U.S. warning shot is atypical is because the United States rarely announces the location of its top-secret B-2 bombers. But another reason this is uncharted territory is because of the exorbitant expense of taking B-2 bombers out of their home base in Missouri to frighten a bellicose regime on the other side of the world. As the Center for Public Integrity reported last year:

The B-2s are actually not used much now, partly because few targets justify risking aircraft that cost $3 billion apiece in today's dollars, and partly because their flights by some estimates cost $135,000 per hour - almost double that of any other military airplane.

$135,000 per hour of flight? That's a steep price tag, especially considering the flight was round-trip and involved two stealth bombers. Per the military's statement:

This mission by two B-2 Spirit bombers assigned to 509th Bomb Wing ... involved flying more than 6,500 miles to the Korean Peninsula, dropping inert munitions on the Jik Do Range, and returning to the continental U.S. in a single, continuous mission.

The military didn't say how many hours the B-2s were in the air. But even if the B-2s were traveling at top speed the entire way (628 mph), which they most certainly were not, it would mean 10.3 hours each way -- a tally that doesn't even include the amount of time it took to drop the munitions on the South Korean island. Adding it all up, that's 20.6 hours of flight time for two B-2 bombers -- for an estimated cost of $5.5 million.

That may be a rounding error given the scope of the Pentagon's budget, but the costs don't stop there. According to a Los Angeles Times report on the B-2 bombers in 2010, the after-flight maintenance costs of such an operation will really burn a hole in your pocket. "For each hour it's in the air, a bomber spends 50 to 60 hours on the ground undergoing maintenance," reported the paper. "The Air Force spent more than $800 million last year upgrading, maintaining and overhauling the stealth bomber fleet."

Let's just hope the Dear Leader was sufficiently spooked. This could get expensive. 

Lots of Media Coverage of Amanda Knox, But Almost No One has Bothered Reading the U.S. Italy Extradition Treaty


Lots of Media Coverage of Amanda Knox, But Almost No One has Bothered Reading the U.S. Italy Extradition Treaty
by Julian Ku    March 29, 2013

A depressing large number of U.S. media outlets are covering the Italian Supreme Court’s decision to order a new trial in the case against Amanda Knox, the American exchange student charged with murdering her British roommate in Italy. Knox was convicted in trial court, but that conviction was overturned on appeal.

I say depressing because this is hardly the most significant international criminal trial going on these days. It is also depressing because most of the U.S. media coverage, and even the “expert” legal commentary, can’t seem to understand that if Italy requests Knox’ extradition, Knox has no double jeopardy defense.

The biggest mistake made by most of the media commentary (I’m looking at you Alan Dershowitz and various law prof types here) is that almost no one seems to have read the U.S. Italy Extradition Treaty.  Article VI reads:

Extradition shall not be granted when the person sought has been convicted, acquitted, or pardoned, or has served the sentence imposed, by the Requested Party for the same acts for which extradition is requested

(Emphasis added.) The Requested Party in this scenario would be the United States (Italy would be the “Requesting Party”).  The U.S. has never charged Knox with anything, much less with the murder of her UK roommate.  So Article VI does not bar Knox’ extradition to Italy. Period.

What about the U.S. Constitution’s Fifth Amendment prohibition on Double Jeopardy? Well, the short answer is that the Fifth Amendment’s Double Jeopardy Protection doesn’t apply in an extradition proceeding since the U.S. is not the one trying Knox (they are just handing her over).  The long answer is that even if the Fifth Amendment did apply, under US law, an appeal that overturns a lower court conviction is not an acquittal for purposes of the Fifth Amendment.  That is basically what happened here.  Knox was convicted, then her conviction was overturned on appeal, and then the appellate court judgment was reversed, and a new trial ordered (albeit at the appellate level). This is not double jeopardy, either under Italian law or US law.

So Knox had better get ready to be extradited, or she better get ready to move to Brazil. She has no serious double jeopardy defense here that I can see.  Now, if only someone would tell Alan Dershowitz.

Canada withdraws from UN convention combating African drought


Canada withdraws from UN convention combating African drought
Keith Herting   Thursday, March 28, 2013
[JURIST] The Canadian government announced Wednesday that it is withdrawing from a UN convention intended to fight droughts in Africa. Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper[official website] claimed [CTV report] the move was necessarily as the convention was "too bureaucratic" and that only one fifth of the CAN $350,000 contributed to the convention actually was used for programming. Canada becomes the only UN member state that is not a member of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) [official website]. The move to drop out of the UNCCD had actually occurred last week without any public acknowledgement until Wednesday. The UNCCD has been in effect since 1996 and is working to "forge a global partnership to reverse and prevent desertification/land degradation and to mitigate the effects of drought in affected areas in order to support poverty reduction and environmental sustainability."

The decision to drop out of the UNCCD has cast additional attention on Canada's environmental record. In 2011 Canada was the first nation to withdraw [JURST report] from the Kyoto Protocol [text; JURIST news archive] on climate change. The decision to drop out of Kyoto was five years after they were subject to a series of lawsuits [JURIST report] for their failure to comply with the standards imposed by Kyoto.

speech by Susan Rice at USUN


Remarks by Ambassador Susan E. Rice, U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations, At Howard University's 145th Convocation, September 28, 2012
Susan E. Rice
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations
U.S. Mission to the United Nations
Washington, DC
September 28, 2012

AS PREPARED

Good morning, everyone! Thank you for that warm welcome. Thank you, Chairman Rand, for your kind introduction and, especially, for your service to Howard and to America’s seniors. Reverend Richardson, we are grateful for your moving invocation. And, President Ribeau, we salute you for all you do to make the great and historic Howard University ever greater.

I’m thrilled to be here —both for the honor of addressing Howard’s 145th Convocation and for the honor of being made a Doctor of Laws. I must admit that feels pretty good: the school year has barely started, and I’ve already graduated.

I now join the ranks of my other family members who have proudly received accolades from Howard. The difference is, they earned theirs -- my Uncle Leon A. Dickson, Howard Medical School Class of ‘39, and my cousins, Carolyn Whitfield Broome, now Associate Professor of Biochemistry, and Leon Dickson Jr., Associate Professor of Biology.

This is a big day for the whole Howard community — but it’s a particularly important day for the outstanding young men and women of the Class of 2016. So, let me begin by congratulating the freshmen for making it to Howard and for all that you will contribute long after your Howard experience.

With your arrival on campus and now formally with this Convocation, you are part of the Howard tradition of leadership and excellence. That means living up to some very high standards. Because, as Scripture tells us, “For unto whomever much is given, of him shall be much required: and to whom men have committed much, of him they will ask the more.” So, remember: with Howard’s tremendous opportunities come real responsibilities. Those who have a higher education also have a higher obligation—to give back and help keep America strong.

To compete and lead in our rapidly changing, interconnected world, American needs universities like Howard and exceptional students like you. In 2007, President Obama, then Senator Obama, spoke in Selma about the transition between generations. He began with what he called the Moses generation—the great civil rights generation that ripped down the barbed and twisted structure of Jim Crow, the generation that parted the waters and marched out of Egypt.

In my own family, that legacy of oppression overcome weighed on my late father, Emmett Rice. He was a brilliant, proud man—an economics professor, a senior official at the Treasury Department and the World Bank, and a Governor of the Federal Reserve Board. But his life of service came despite ferocious odds. My dad grew up between the wars in segregated South Carolina, and he never forgot the sting of separate and unequal. He served our country proudly in World War II, as an officer with the Tuskegee Airmen, but he forever resented the irony and inequity of fighting for freedom in a stubbornly segregated military. Dad had to learn to believe in himself by himself, to dismiss the taunting message of Jim Crow that he was somehow less of a man. He overcame that trauma—but he never forgot that he had to endure it. Throughout his career, Dad sought to lift up others so they could seize the opportunities he was almost denied.

In 1912, my mother’s parents emigrated from Jamaica to Portland, Maine. With little formal education, my grandfather took the best job he could get—as a janitor. My grandmother was a maid and a seamstress. But my grandparents managed to scrap and save to send all five of their children to college -- four sons to Bowdoin and my mom, Lois, to Harvard-Radcliffe where she was student government president. Mom, in turn, devoted her distinguished career to making higher education more accessible to all.

I am here today because of these profoundly American stories of struggle and success. I wish my grandfather could have imagined, as he bent over his broom, that his granddaughter would someday serve in the cabinet of the first African-American President of the United States. For President Obama and I come from the next generation—what the President calls the Joshua generation. Our generation didn’t just look out over Canaan. We crossed the river and entered the Promised Land. We are working, as Dr. King put it, to redeem the promissory note from the architects of our republic.

That is a profound shift. Despite all his achievements, my father never stopped believing that segregation had kept him from being all he could be. He was determined, above all, that his children not bear that same psychological baggage. And, thankfully, we did not. Between generations, after the dogs of Birmingham and the buses of Montgomery, America changed. For my brother and me, for the President and First Lady, we of the Joshua generation came of age believing the old limits didn’t apply. New doors were open. And, we’ve seen African-Americans become secretary of state, chairman of the Joint Chiefs, attorney general, Fortune 500 CEOs, Supreme Court justices, astronauts and, of course, President of the United States. And as you well know, many of these trailblazers are proud Howard alumni.

Today, nothing is impossible. When I look at you all, I see yet another generation, bursting with confidence and promise. I see the generation after Joshua. If the Moses generation was about breaking the chains of Egypt, and if the Joshua generation was about crossing over Jordan, then your generation is about thriving in the Promised Land. It’s about finding your own way on the soil your grandparents only dreamed of walking—about making your own path unburdened, as people for whom slavery and segregation are history, not a shackle or a scar.

So, what I have come here to ask is: what will you do? What will your generation contribute? How will you carry on the legacy of service to your country and your world?

In the Bible, after Joshua comes Judges. It’s a sprawling, challenging book about a time of great change, about the shift from revolution to evolution, about the struggles for justice and opportunity that follow the struggle for freedom. And perhaps that’s not a bad way of thinking about the country you’re going to inherit and lead.

The generation after Joshua, your generation, will confront challenges of governance and sovereignty—persistent inequality, stubborn poverty, unresolved conflicts – as well as new possibilities driven by technology and trade. A world where threats don’t stop at borders and education doesn’t stop at graduation.

At Gettysburg, President Lincoln demanded that we dedicate ourselves, and I quote, “to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.”

We’ve still got unfinished work to do to expand the reach of democracy, human rights and human dignity around the world. We’ve got unfinished work to do so long as terror threatens our people and our brave troops are risking their lives in Afghanistan to keep us all safe. We’ve got unfinished work to do when half of humanity lives on less than $2.50 a day. And we’ve got unfinished work to do when wars still rage and hatreds still smolder.

Truly, we’ve got unfinished work to do when American children go to sleep with rumbling stomachs and go to school in crumbling classrooms. We’ve got unfinished work to do when fellow citizens are still shackled by poverty or held back by bigotry. We’ve got unfinished work to do to recover from the worst economic crisis since the Depression. We’ve got unfinished work to do to help neighbors who’ve lost their homes and friends who’ve lost their jobs. We’ve got unfinished work to do to buttress the bonds of citizenship and ensure every American has the opportunity to fulfill their true potential.

So let us rededicate ourselves today to this great, unfinished work—to coming together to redeem our republic and to mend our imperfect world.

Yes, we’ve come far. We should be proud of what we’ve accomplished—but we cannot allow progress to become an alibi for apathy. Achievement can never become a pretext for selfishness. And success must never be an excuse for complacency. Nor can we look to the leadership of any one man or woman to substitute for the collective and individual responsibilities we must bear.

You are each here because this legendary American university sees a spark of potential in you. And, it’s your job to fan that flame so it warms us all. We need you to be everything you can—extraordinary young leaders, fired up with passion and patriotism, determined to be not just good students but great citizens.

To compete in a global marketplace and to lead in our complex world, we need you each to excel and to serve. We need you to become engineers and scientists who will cure modern-day plagues and save our warming planet. We need you to become lawyers and judges who will fortify our liberty in law. We need you to become business leaders who will create prosperity that works for all Americans. We need you to become innovators who will create not just new jobs but new industries. We need you to become doctors who will bring health to the hurting. We need you to become ministers who will give strength to suffering souls. We need you to become teachers and professors who will instill a love of citizenship and learning in the next generation. We need you to become journalists and activists – truth-tellers who hold our leaders accountable. We need you to become mayors and ambassadors, justices and governors—and presidents.

Freshmen, use your time at Howard to decide where your personal passion lies and how you can best fulfill your unique, God-given potential. Spend time trying to divine what success looks like to you and then work backwards. Figure out what skills and experiences you need to acquire while here at Howard in order to reach your goal down the road. If you want to be a civil engineer, go to Kenya with Howard’s Engineers without Borders and help design clean water systems. If you want to teach, spend an “Alternative Spring Break” helping adults in Detroit learn to read.

As you wrestle with how you might best contribute, I hope some of you will consider the course of the great Ralph Bunche. Bunche founded Howard’s Political Science Department, helped draft the UN Charter, and won the Nobel Prize for negotiating armistices between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Think about a career in diplomacy or development. Join the Foreign Service, master international law, or design a new vaccine to reduce preventable childhood death. In our 21st-century world, we need to draw on our unique diversity and our full national talent as we make the toughest decisions about America’s national security. If we don’t have everyone on the field—Americans of all faiths, creeds and colors — then we are competing with one hand tied behind our back. We are short-changing our potential and ceding our comparative advantage.

Whatever path you choose, set the bar high. It’s not enough just to reach a level or two beyond those who came before you. Even if you are the first in your family to go to college, don’t let your Howard degree become your greatest achievement. Just because you graduate from a great school, don’t think you’ve made it. Strive to accomplish something big that will leave a lasting impact on others.

And when you succeed, as I know you will, we need you to turn back, give back, and bring others up with you. As our tremendous First Lady recently said, “when you’ve worked hard, and done well, and walked through that doorway of opportunity, you do not slam it shut behind you. No, you reach back, and you give other folks the same chances that helped you succeed.”

Now, more than ever, we must understand that, as we tackle great challenges at home and abroad, we are all in this together. It’s not enough just to believe in yourself. You’ve got to believe in something bigger than yourselves. You have got to believe in each other. You have got to believe in our great country. You’ve got to understand that all of us are diminished when one of us falls behind. A few weeks ago, President Obama reminded us of that deeply American truth. He said: “We, the People, recognize that we have responsibilities as well as rights; that our destinies are bound together; that a freedom which asks only what’s in it for me, a freedom without a commitment to others, a freedom without love or charity or duty or patriotism, is unworthy of our founding ideals, and those who died in their defense.”

Progress depends on each of us and all of us. No one person, however talented, however visionary, can forge great change alone. Never forget: change does not just happen. Change comes when we, the people, demand it. Change comes when each and every one of us lifts our voices, organizes, registers and votes. Change comes when Americans from all stages of life and all ages of life unite in common cause. Change does not get handed down on a platter from above. Change boils up from below. Change comes when citizens decide they will not be denied.

You. Me. Him. Her. All of us.

I cannot wait to see what the generation after Joshua will do.

I know it will be worthy of you and of our ancestors.

Go tackle that unfinished work. Go forward with the great work of perfecting our union. Go forth and make the world safer, more just and more free.

Let’s finish what we started.

That’s the Howard way, and that’s the American way.

Thank you, and God bless you.

The UN Refugee Convention will have an equivalent of the Human Rights Committee or Committee Against Torture


Summary Conclusions of the Roundtable on the Future of Refugee Convention Supervision
by James Hathaway  March 27th, 2013

[James Hathaway is the James E. and Sarah A. Degan Professor of Law and the Director, Program in Refugee and Asylum Law at the University of Michigan Law School]

Finally, a break-through on the conundrum of Refugee Convention supervision!  The UN Refugee Convention has languished for more than 60 years without any formal mechanism to provide arms-length international oversight of treaty obligations.  While state parties agree to assist UNHCR to implement its duty of institutional supervision, refugee law has no equivalent of the Human Rights Committee or Committee Against Torture to provide transparent evaluation of state compliance, or to provide authoritative guidance — for example, on such key questions as who qualifies for Convention refugee status, or the rights held by refugees under international law.

In September 2012, Justice Tony North of the Australian Federal Court (and former president of the International Association of Refugee Law Judges) and I co-convened an expert meeting at Downing College, Cambridge, to try to find a way forward on supervision of the Refugee Convention.  Drawing on studies prepared by the Cambridge Pro Bono Project (to be published later this year), a group of leading jurists and scholars from around the world conceived a means to break the deadlock.  The essence of the mechanism proposed is the establishment of a Special Committee of Experts, comprised of judges and others tasked with the issuance of advisory opinions at the request of the High Commissioner, courts, and specialist tribunals. The just-released Summary Conclusions of the Roundtable (.pdf) are now available.

Will International Law Impact the Gay Marriage Cases? Conservatives Seem to Hope So.


Will International Law Impact the Gay Marriage Cases? Conservatives Seem to Hope So.
by Peter Spiro   March 24th, 2013 

It should be no surprise that there is an amicus brief in support of striking down the Defense of Marriage Act from a global angle, charting an international trend towards recognition of same-sex marriages. (The brief is on behalf of a select lawprof group – Harold Koh, Sarah Cleveland, Larry Helfer, and Ryan Goodman, part of a trend toward elite, small-list amici filings also evident here and here.) The brief skillfully plays to the Court’s self-interest and the opportunity to enhance its international prestige: “Courts in other countries have invoked this Court’s reasoning in Lawrence, for example, to strike down laws that impinge upon the intimate relations between gay and lesbian couples. The Court’s ruling in this case is likely to have similar influence.” That’s a line that might appeal to a certain swing Justice.

At the same time, there’s no hint in the brief that international law requires the recognition of gay marriage, an argument that would be hard to make. The brief does no overreaching, well advised in the face of serious blowback to the Court’s recent invocations of international law on the way to progressive results. The caution starts with the cover page: the brief is filed on behalf of “foreign and comparative law experts,” not international law ones.

Leave the international law argument to . . . Jeremy Rabkin?

Rabkin and a group of mostly European academics and former jurists have filed a brief in support of California’s decision (through the ballot measure Proposition 8) to reserve marriage for opposite-sex couples. The basic argument: most countries have left the question to democratic processes, which “national and international courts have overwhelmingly refused to trump.” That fact establishes, the brief argues, that there are “rational, non-invidious reasons based in secular public policy considerations” for a jurisdiction’s refusal to recognize same-sex marriage. Variation on the question is fully compatible with “international norms.” [My quotation marks, not theirs!]

The brief carefully qualifies the salience of international practice. “Of course, foreign law and practice cannot and should not determine the meaning of U.S. Constitutional guarantees.” But that practice apparently stands as an empirical resource, a “lesson,” at least.

In the end, I suspect the Court will ignore foreign and international practice in the Windsor and Perry decisions, consistent with its recent posture to things foreign. But the gay marriage cases might mark an important turning point on this particular front of the Culture Wars. With their brief, conservatives may have conceded the threshold salience of international practices. The door can’t be completely shut on this material, whether the Court expressly acknowledges it or not. Once they’ve played the international law card themselves, conservatives can hardly cry foul next time it’s played against them. (Rabkin himself will have to lose the label “fantasy world“ when speaking of international law.) Perhaps conservatives have come to understand that they can win on this turf, too. (Check out Justice Scalia’s dissent in Roper for pointers.) The bottom line: global practice becomes more deeply entrenched in the everyday of American constitutional law.

Remarks at Swearing-in Ceremony - John Kerry


Remarks at Swearing-in Ceremony
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Ben Franklin Room
Washington, DC
February 6, 2013

Thank you. Mr. Vice President, thank you for an unbelievably generous, warm Oath of Office and your comments before them. I want to share with all of you that as a recovering politician – (laughter) – I’ve grown used to being sworn at; it’s really nice to be sworn in. (Laughter and applause.)

I will say more about the Vice President in a moment, but I want to say thank you to my colleagues from the Senate, past and present, who are here today. I am so honored by their presence. Senator Lugar, who was my chairman and ranking member for so long and kept that committee rolling, thank you, sir, for your service. (Applause.)

John McCain, who was a part of a very special journey to try to make peace with Vietnam, which we did, and it’s such an honor to travel with him and be part of his life. And I appreciate it very much. (Applause.)

And Tom Harkin and John Breaux and Barbara Boxer; Max Cleland, my brother-in-arms who’s traveled with me on many parts of this journey; Bob Corker; Sheldon Whitehouse; Jeanne Shaheen; Chris Coons; Rob Portman, whom I’ve grown to really get to know pretty well in the Senate, and he’s a man who dares to cross the aisle and make things happen. I’m grateful for that. And Tim Kaine and Elizabeth Warren, two people I won’t get to serve with as a senator, but I’m so happy you’re on the committee and you’re part of the team in that sense.

And I want to likewise welcome my colleagues from the House. I’m particularly grateful for Bill Delahunt, a longtime friend, for being here, and Ed Markey, Bill Keating, and Joe Kennedy III, and you honor me by being here. Thank you.

I also want to thank my friend Tom Donilon for being here. He’s a great steward of our foreign policy. And together with Tony Blinken, his new deputy, these are people I have had the privilege of working with before, and I am so confident about where we’re heading in this partnership, and I’m grateful to you for coming over here and being part of this.

And a bunch of former staffers who are all working at the White House now – (laughter) – for a fellow called the President of the United States. But I’m truly proud of them and grateful for their enduring friendship.

Over the last few days – oh, one other person I wanted to mention. I didn’t know for sure he was going to be here. We were on the same soccer team, hockey team, lacrosse team. He was a captain of a bunch of them and incredible athlete, a United States Marine Corps veteran, decorated from Vietnam. And he has served with such incredible distinction as the head of the FBI. And Bobby, thank you. Bobby Mueller, thanks for coming. I appreciate it. (Applause.) He used to kick my butt in all three sports. (Laughter.)

Over the last few days, I’ve had the privilege of meeting with a number of Thomas Jefferson’s successors: Secretary Clinton, who has been so generous in welcoming me here and helping to create a seamless transition; Secretary Rice; Secretary Powell; Secretary Baker, who visited with me here yesterday; Secretary Shultz, who I had a great luncheon with on Saturday; and Secretary Kissinger, who has spent a number of hours with me and who wrote a note today. He’s away, out of country. But I’m delighted to have their counsel, and I’ve learned quickly how available and ready they all are to help to continue to steer the ship of State. It’s a wonderful thing about this particular office and this place.

And I’m so honored that my friend, former Secretary Madeleine Albright, is able to be here today. Will you join me in welcoming her and saying thank you to all of the Secretaries of State? Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you.

And I’m very, very grateful to deputy secretaries of this Department: Bill Burns, one of our great veterans of diplomacy; and Deputy Secretary Tom Nides, who’s done an extraordinary job. Together they’ve been one heck of a team. And I want to thank them for their warm welcome to this Department, their wise counsel. And I thank the many under secretaries and assistant secretaries who are here and who’ve been part of my early meetings. I think we’ve had three days now of some terrific meetings, and I want you to know I consider myself lucky to be on your team. Thank you for all that you do. (Applause.)

Also, last, I just – I want to welcome some of my crew members who are here, the guys who served on boats with me in Vietnam. These are men who lived and know the truth of our service, and they honor me today with their presence just as they did with their patriotism four decades ago. I’m grateful, wherever they are. (Applause.)

Finally – and finally, I want to thank my family. They have been the enduring supporters of an extraordinary journey. All of them – brothers, sisters, cousins, there are a lot of them here, and it’s only a small percentage that are here. (Laughter.) And my incredible wife, Teresa Heinz Kerry, who – (applause).

Now, I said the other day, in the hearings a few weeks ago, I said that my approach to the role of Secretary of State would be deeply informed by my 28 years-plus that I spent on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, the only committee that I was on from the day I got to the Senate till the day I left. I spent most of the time sitting a few seats down from the then-chairman, Biden, learning from him the full benefits of seniority. (Laughter.) And in fact, Chris Dodd is here, and Chris will tell you that it was Biden, Sarbanes, Dodd, and Kerry, and Chris and I used to nudge each other and say, “We’re never going to be chairmen of this committee.” (Laughter.) And then boom, all of the sudden, things change.

Six years ago, Joe Biden, Vice President Biden and I found ourselves sitting on the same committee with a young senator by the name of Barack Obama and another fellow by the name of Chuck Hagel. So for all of you senators from the Foreign Relations Committee here today, stay right where you are. (Laughter.) All the good spots are taken.

Mr. Vice President, I really am glad that you’re here. I’m proud that you’re here. I’m grateful that you’re here to swear me in. And Dr. Jill Biden, thank you for coming with him. It is special to have you and to have Hunter here, your son, who’s a good friend of our family. I know you just landed a few hours ago from your trip to Germany, France, and the United Kingdom. I welcome you home, and I hope you left me with a full tank. (Laughter.)

As the Vice President mentioned a few minutes ago, he got to the Senate ahead of me. The pundits that year that you referred to, Mr. Vice President, were predicting that I would win and you would lose. And it was exactly the other way around, so once again the pundits were zero-for-two, folks, which is not unusual. But I got – when I finally got to the Senate, I got to see our Vice President as a legislator. And I saw him with the prescience, the vision that he had, to be way ahead of everybody on the subject of the genocide in Kosovo, way ahead of everybody on crime in America and exerting leadership, put police in our streets and change that curve. I saw the respect that he commanded from our colleagues. And now as our Vice President, Joe Biden has written a new chapter as the President’s closest advisor, and I think proving a new kind of partnership in president and vice president in the conduct of our foreign policy.

The Vice President lives by a very old-fashioned code of loyalty. He talked about it a little bit in introducing me: You always tell the truth, you never forget where you came from, and your word is your bond. And I can’t tell you how many times in the Senate when I was listening to Joe negotiate or we were working on something he would say, “I give you my word as a Biden.” And you knew you had a very special commitment.

We still joke about a trip that we took with Chuck Hagel to Afghanistan and we went up to a forward operating base up in Kunar province. And our helicopter, on the way back, got caught in a snow squall in the mountains. And our pilot, literally, everything went blind and suddenly we were banking and heading down and braced for an emergency landing on this snow-covered road high in the mountains near Bagram Airbase. And the Vice President turned to Hagel and me and he offered an alternative. He said, “Maybe we could keep the helicopter aloft if the three of us just started to give a speech.” (Laughter.)

So I want to thank President Obama for the faith that he has placed in me and for the leadership that he has offered the world. I will tell you, my friends, and I think the Vice President hears this too, President Obama has restored America’s place and our reputation in the world, and we are grateful for that. (Applause.)

I want to thank Secretary Clinton for the unbelievably high standard of energy, commitment, and vision that she set in her terrific stewardship of the State Department. I am proud not only as her successor but as a citizen to have been represented by her, as I think all of you are, and the way that she traveled the world and carried America’s banner. We thank her for a job superbly done. (Applause.)

I thank you, all of you, for being here to celebrate this moment together. I thank you for your faith and your friendship, for being part of this incredible gathering in this magnificent room named for Ben Franklin, who incidentally was not only the father of the American Foreign Service but he was America’s greatest expert on electricity, and they could have used him at the Super Bowl last weekend. (Laughter.)

But a serious note: This room – I think Secretary Albright was saying to me in the room back there before we came out - how you sort of approach this building and you have no idea, it’s a 1950s kind of block building, and you come into this unbelievable room and these diplomatic surroundings. This room and the treasures that decorate it are a tribute to the names and the legacies that are embedded in our national memory. We stand here surrounded by the letters penned by Franklin’s hand, the architect table on which our first Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson drafted the blueprints of a democracy, the antique silver shaped for John Adams by his Massachusetts neighbor Paul Revere.

These statesmen did not know their experiment would succeed, but they were the kind of people who took risks. And ultimately their creativity and their courage, their persistence left the world vastly different and far better than they found it. That is the work that we continue here today, to keep the promise of our democracy for the next generation and for all the world, in quiet corners of the globe, from Tahrir Square to South Sudan, where people aspire to be what we are, to be free, and to shape their own futures.

And in the work that is our cause, we must always remember from our own national experience that hard work is required to realize freedom. And as we rededicate ourselves to that purpose for our own nation and our neighbors, it’s important we remember that. It’s well known that my experience in war shaped my understanding of the human costs of failed diplomacy and the cost of conflict itself. Vice President and Dr. Biden know the cost in a personal way because they have focused on military families and spent an enormous amount of time reaching out to them. And they understand that sacrifice and they are also a military family themselves, having seen their son Beau, the Attorney General of the state of Delaware, leave his home and deploy for a long year in Iraq. Moreover, at Dover Air Force Base in the state the Vice President represented for 36 years, when our fallen come home, we are all further reminded of what it means to be a nation at war.

I am proud to take on this job because I want to work for peace – (applause) – and because the values and the ideals of our nation are really what represents the best of the possibilities of life here on Earth. But I make clear today to those listening, while my preference is for a peaceful resolution to conflict, my journey has also taught me that when remedies are exhausted, we must be prepared to defend our cause and do what is necessary to stand up to extremism, terrorism, chaos and evil, and we will continue to do so. (Applause.)

But the beauty of this place – and I do mean beauty of this place – is that before we have to make that choice, we have a lot of other choices in front of us. We can help people to help themselves. We can protect children as we did in Africa, where PEPFAR has saved millions of lives. We can keep students learning even after an earthquake destroys their schools, as we did in Pakistan. We can help young girls pursue their dreams of education, as we did in Afghanistan and other places in the world. That is what the Department of State can do. (Applause.)

Today, we tread on very new terrain – the Vice President referred to it in his comments. We’re in a world of unparalleled technology, unprecedented growth in the number of young people, of unleashed sectarian strife and religious extremism. And I believe, and I know the President and Vice President share this deeply, unless we stay vigilant, these forces threaten to unravel whole nation-states and create greater pockets of instability than we have seen in recent times. This is our challenge. I believe the United States has to join with other nations to pool our resources, our talents, our thinking, and to create order where there is none, and to fix, or try to fix, what is broken. All of us need to do better at inviting people to embrace the values that have always inspired us.

Now, some would rather say that America ought to turn inward because of budget choices, that we have to say no to the world. Well, I think we recognize our responsibility and our role. We know that America is exceptional not because we say we are, not because it’s a birthright that will happen automatically, but because America does exceptional things and we must continue to do those things. The world depends on us. (Applause.)

This is not a time for America to retreat. This is a time for us to continue to lead. Even in changing times, our constant will continue to be the character of the loyal men and women of the civil service, the Foreign Service, USAID, the Marines, the men and women of the Diplomatic Security Service who stand guard, and the locally engaged staff in many parts of the world, all of whom are America’s extraordinary diplomatic team. I am as honored by their confidence as I am humbled by their company and by our journey ahead.

We are all honored today here by the legacy of the names that mark each of these rooms: Franklin, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, John Quincy Adams. And three of our founders – Franklin, Jefferson, and John Adams – whose effects, as I mentioned, are preserved here at the State Department, were charged on July 4th, 1776, by the Continental Congress with devising an emblem for our newly minted nation. Six years later, our nation adopted The Great Seal. And ever since then, it has been in the custody of the Department of State. It literally watches over us today, guarding us from above this room right there. That’s the seal.

And this room* is named for Harry Truman. It was Truman who turned the eagle’s head away from the arrows of war and towards the olive branches that are firmly gripped in one of the claws. As the historian David McCullough wrote, “Truman meant the shift in the eagle’s gaze to be seen as symbolic of a nation both on the march and dedicated to peace.”

So, my friends, today as I take this symbolic Oath of Office to publicly reinforce the private one I took last Friday, I say to the Vice President, to my family, to my friends, to my colleagues old and new, we are still marching forward. We still believe in peace. Even as the ground beneath us shifts, we know how to find our way, and we will do so with firm footing. And in the end, our imprint on the world is one that we alone can still seal for ourselves. Let’s get to work. Thank you. (Applause.)

International Justice and Diplomacy - by Fatou Bensouda


International Justice and Diplomacy

The New York Times March 20, 2013 Wednesday
By FATOU BENSOUDA

SINCE the International Criminal Court became operational in 2002, we have witnessed an unprecedented integration between peace and security and international justice.

The I.C.C. Office of the Prosecutor is investigating and prosecuting cases in eight situations -- Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Darfur, Kenya, Libya, Ivory Coast and Mali. The Office has also made a substantial contribution to international peace and security by proactively collecting information and monitoring situations under preliminary examination, including those in Guinea, Georgia, Colombia, Honduras, Korea, Nigeria and Afghanistan.

Yet despite this, we consistently hear voices questioning whether perpetrators of crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide should always be prosecuted. This question has long been asked: Peace or justice? Shall we strive for peace at all costs, sacrificing justice on the way, or shall we soldier on in the pursuit for justice to end impunity?

Past negotiations have done just that: sacrificed justice for peace. Yet history has taught us that the peace achieved by ignoring justice has mostly been short-lived, and the cycle of violence has continued unabated.

As the I.C.C. is an independent and judicial institution, it cannot take into consideration the interests of peace, which is the mandate of other institutions, such as the United Nations Security Council.

However, justice can have a positive impact on peace and security: this is what the U.N. secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, calls the ''shadow of the Court'' -- its preventative role, and its capacity to diffuse potentially tense situations that could lead to violence by setting a clear line of accountability. History will judge how the shadow of the I.C.C. may have contributed to peaceful elections in Kenya.

Other voices say the I.C.C. is an obstacle to peace. This is narrow and short-sighted. On the contrary, if anything, the ''shadow of the Court'' has helped to isolate individuals wanted by the I.C.C., or to kick-start negotiations.

(example)
In the case of the Lord's Resistance Army (L.R.A.) in Uganda, for example, I.C.C. arrest warrants against Joseph Kony and his top commanders are widely acknowledged to have played an important role in bringing the rebels to the negotiating table in the Juba Peace Process. This despite the threat by the L.R.A. to withdraw from the peace talks if arrest warrants remained in force.

Blackmail or ''golden exiles'' are no longer the ways to achieve sustainable peace. If the international community is to work toward long-lasting peace, critics must question why peace had proven elusive in a country such as Uganda long before these warrants were issued.

The role of the I.C.C. has never precluded or put an end to any peace process. While we should not presume that warlords are rational actors, and that every situation will be the same, the Court's impact on peace until now has been noted, and has proved to be a spur to action.

If we have learned anything from history, it is that accountability and the rule of law have been recognized as fundamental preconditions to provide the framework to protect individuals and nations from massive atrocities, to promote peace and international security, and to manage conflicts. Not only was prosecuting crimes seen as satisfying conceptions of fundamental justice, but also as a means to prevent their perpetration.

The debate about peace versus justice or peace over justice is a patently false choice. Peace and justice are two sides of the same coin. The road to peace should be seen as running via justice, and thus peace and justice can be pursued simultaneously.

The pursuit of justice, whether it be through national or international prosecutions, and the pursuit of peace, whether it be through truth and peace negotiations, can, and must, work together. They should not be seen as oppositional, not alternatives, but complementary.

All actors involved in situations where mass crimes have taken or are taking place -- whether they are judicial institutions, mediators, peace negotiators, political leaders, civil society -- have a crucial role to play, refining their strategies, adjusting to the legal limits, and coordinating their efforts to ensure a comprehensive and long-lasting peace.

My Office will continue to work hard to ensure justice for the victims and accountability for the perpetrators, and to contribute to the prevention of future crimes.

Fatou Bensouda is the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. She is speaking Wednesday at the Forum for New Diplomacy hosted by the International Herald Tribune and the Académie Diplomatique Internationale.

Remarks by the President in the State of the Union Address 2013


Remarks by the President in the State of the Union Address
February 12, 2013
U.S. Capitol, Washington, D.C.

9:15 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, fellow citizens: 

Fifty-one years ago, John F. Kennedy declared to this chamber that “the Constitution makes us not rivals for power but partners for progress.”  (Applause.) “It is my task,” he said, “to report the State of the Union -- to improve it is the task of us all.” 

Tonight, thanks to the grit and determination of the American people, there is much progress to report.  After a decade of grinding war, our brave men and women in uniform are coming home.  (Applause.)  After years of grueling recession, our businesses have created over six million new jobs.  We buy more American cars than we have in five years, and less foreign oil than we have in 20.  (Applause.)  Our housing market is healing, our stock market is rebounding, and consumers, patients, and homeowners enjoy stronger protections than ever before.  (Applause.) 

So, together, we have cleared away the rubble of crisis, and we can say with renewed confidence that the State of our Union is stronger.  (Applause.)

But we gather here knowing that there are millions of Americans whose hard work and dedication have not yet been rewarded.  Our economy is adding jobs -- but too many people still can’t find full-time employment.  Corporate profits have skyrocketed to all-time highs -- but for more than a decade, wages and incomes have barely budged.  

It is our generation’s task, then, to reignite the true engine of America’s economic growth -- a rising, thriving middle class.  (Applause.) 

It is our unfinished task to restore the basic bargain that built this country -- the idea that if you work hard and meet your responsibilities, you can get ahead, no matter where you come from, no matter what you look like, or who you love.

It is our unfinished task to make sure that this government works on behalf of the many, and not just the few; that it encourages free enterprise, rewards individual initiative, and opens the doors of opportunity to every child across this great nation.  (Applause.)

The American people don’t expect government to solve every problem.  They don’t expect those of us in this chamber to agree on every issue.  But they do expect us to put the nation’s interests before party.  (Applause.)  They do expect us to forge reasonable compromise where we can.  For they know that America moves forward only when we do so together, and that the responsibility of improving this union remains the task of us all.

Our work must begin by making some basic decisions about our budget -- decisions that will have a huge impact on the strength of our recovery.

Over the last few years, both parties have worked together to reduce the deficit by more than $2.5 trillion -- mostly through spending cuts, but also by raising tax rates on the wealthiest 1 percent of Americans.  As a result, we are more than halfway towards the goal of $4 trillion in deficit reduction that economists say we need to stabilize our finances.   

Now we need to finish the job.  And the question is, how?

In 2011, Congress passed a law saying that if both parties couldn’t agree on a plan to reach our deficit goal, about a trillion dollars’ worth of budget cuts would automatically go into effect this year.  These sudden, harsh, arbitrary cuts would jeopardize our military readiness.  They’d devastate priorities like education, and energy, and medical research.  They would certainly slow our recovery, and cost us hundreds of thousands of jobs.  That’s why Democrats, Republicans, business leaders, and economists have already said that these cuts, known here in Washington as the sequester, are a really bad idea. 

Now, some in Congress have proposed preventing only the defense cuts by making even bigger cuts to things like education and job training, Medicare and Social Security benefits.  That idea is even worse.  (Applause.) 

Yes, the biggest driver of our long-term debt is the rising cost of health care for an aging population.  And those of us who care deeply about programs like Medicare must embrace the need for modest reforms -- otherwise, our retirement programs will crowd out the investments we need for our children, and jeopardize the promise of a secure retirement for future generations. 

But we can’t ask senior citizens and working families to shoulder the entire burden of deficit reduction while asking nothing more from the wealthiest and the most powerful.  (Applause.)  We won’t grow the middle class simply by shifting the cost of health care or college onto families that are already struggling, or by forcing communities to lay off more teachers and more cops and more firefighters.  Most Americans -- Democrats, Republicans, and independents -- understand that we can’t just cut our way to prosperity.  They know that broad-based economic growth requires a balanced approach to deficit reduction, with spending cuts and revenue, and with everybody doing their fair share.  And that’s the approach I offer tonight. 
On Medicare, I’m prepared to enact reforms that will achieve the same amount of health care savings by the beginning of the next decade as the reforms proposed by the bipartisan Simpson-Bowles commission.  (Applause.) 

Already, the Affordable Care Act is helping to slow the growth of health care costs.  (Applause.)  And the reforms I’m proposing go even further.  We’ll reduce taxpayer subsidies to prescription drug companies and ask more from the wealthiest seniors.  (Applause.)  We’ll bring down costs by changing the way our government pays for Medicare, because our medical bills shouldn’t be based on the number of tests ordered or days spent in the hospital; they should be based on the quality of care that our seniors receive.  (Applause.)  And I am open to additional reforms from both parties, so long as they don’t violate the guarantee of a secure retirement.  Our government shouldn’t make promises we cannot keep -- but we must keep the promises we’ve already made.  (Applause.)

To hit the rest of our deficit reduction target, we should do what leaders in both parties have already suggested, and save hundreds of billions of dollars by getting rid of tax loopholes and deductions for the well-off and the well-connected.  After all, why would we choose to make deeper cuts to education and Medicare just to protect special interest tax breaks?  How is that fair?  Why is it that deficit reduction is a big emergency justifying making cuts in Social Security benefits but not closing some loopholes?  How does that promote growth?  (Applause.)

Now is our best chance for bipartisan, comprehensive tax reform that encourages job creation and helps bring down the deficit.  (Applause.)  We can get this done.  The American people deserve a tax code that helps small businesses spend less time filling out complicated forms, and more time expanding and hiring -- a tax code that ensures billionaires with high-powered accountants can’t work the system and pay a lower rate than their hardworking secretaries; a tax code that lowers incentives to move jobs overseas, and lowers tax rates for businesses and manufacturers that are creating jobs right here in the United States of America.  That’s what tax reform can deliver.  That’s what we can do together.  (Applause.)

I realize that tax reform and entitlement reform will not be easy.  The politics will be hard for both sides.  None of us will get 100 percent of what we want.  But the alternative will cost us jobs, hurt our economy, visit hardship on millions of hardworking Americans.  So let’s set party interests aside and work to pass a budget that replaces reckless cuts with smart savings and wise investments in our future.  And let’s do it without the brinksmanship that stresses consumers and scares off investors.  (Applause.)  The greatest nation on Earth cannot keep conducting its business by drifting from one manufactured crisis to the next.  (Applause.)  We can't do it. 

Let’s agree right here, right now to keep the people’s government open, and pay our bills on time, and always uphold the full faith and credit of the United States of America.  (Applause.)  The American people have worked too hard, for too long, rebuilding from one crisis to see their elected officials cause another.  (Applause.) 

Now, most of us agree that a plan to reduce the deficit must be part of our agenda.  But let’s be clear, deficit reduction alone is not an economic plan.  (Applause.)  A growing economy that creates good, middle-class jobs -- that must be the North Star that guides our efforts.  (Applause.)  Every day, we should ask ourselves three questions as a nation:  How do we attract more jobs to our shores?  How do we equip our people with the skills they need to get those jobs?  And how do we make sure that hard work leads to a decent living?

A year and a half ago, I put forward an American Jobs Act that independent economists said would create more than 1 million new jobs.  And I thank the last Congress for passing some of that agenda.  I urge this Congress to pass the rest.  (Applause.)  But tonight, I’ll lay out additional proposals that are fully paid for and fully consistent with the budget framework both parties agreed to just 18 months ago.  Let me repeat -- nothing I’m proposing tonight should increase our deficit by a single dime.  It is not a bigger government we need, but a smarter government that sets priorities and invests in broad-based growth.  (Applause.)  That's what we should be looking for.

Our first priority is making America a magnet for new jobs and manufacturing.  After shedding jobs for more than 10 years, our manufacturers have added about 500,000 jobs over the past three.  Caterpillar is bringing jobs back from Japan.  Ford is bringing jobs back from Mexico.  And this year, Apple will start making Macs in America again.  (Applause.)

There are things we can do, right now, to accelerate this trend.  Last year, we created our first manufacturing innovation institute in Youngstown, Ohio.  A once-shuttered warehouse is now a state-of-the art lab where new workers are mastering the 3D printing that has the potential to revolutionize the way we make almost everything.  There’s no reason this can’t happen in other towns. 

So tonight, I’m announcing the launch of three more of these manufacturing hubs, where businesses will partner with the Department of Defense and Energy to turn regions left behind by globalization into global centers of high-tech jobs.  And I ask this Congress to help create a network of 15 of these hubs and guarantee that the next revolution in manufacturing is made right here in America.  We can get that done.  (Applause.)

Now, if we want to make the best products, we also have to invest in the best ideas.  Every dollar we invested to map the human genome returned $140 to our economy -- every dollar.  Today, our scientists are mapping the human brain to unlock the answers to Alzheimer’s.  They’re developing drugs to regenerate damaged organs; devising new material to make batteries 10 times more powerful.  Now is not the time to gut these job-creating investments in science and innovation.  Now is the time to reach a level of research and development not seen since the height of the Space Race.  We need to make those investments.  (Applause.) 

Today, no area holds more promise than our investments in American energy.  After years of talking about it, we’re finally poised to control our own energy future.  We produce more oil at home than we have in 15 years.  (Applause.)  We have doubled the distance our cars will go on a gallon of gas, and the amount of renewable energy we generate from sources like wind and solar -- with tens of thousands of good American jobs to show for it.  We produce more natural gas than ever before -- and nearly everyone’s energy bill is lower because of it.  And over the last four years, our emissions of the dangerous carbon pollution that threatens our planet have actually fallen.

But for the sake of our children and our future, we must do more to combat climate change.  (Applause.)  Now, it’s true that no single event makes a trend.  But the fact is the 12 hottest years on record have all come in the last 15.  Heat waves, droughts, wildfires, floods -- all are now more frequent and more intense.  We can choose to believe that Superstorm Sandy, and the most severe drought in decades, and the worst wildfires some states have ever seen were all just a freak coincidence.  Or we can choose to believe in the overwhelming judgment of science -- and act before it’s too late.  (Applause.)

Now, the good news is we can make meaningful progress on this issue while driving strong economic growth.  I urge this Congress to get together, pursue a bipartisan, market-based solution to climate change, like the one John McCain and Joe Lieberman worked on together a few years ago.  But if Congress won’t act soon to protect future generations, I will.  (Applause.)  I will direct my Cabinet to come up with executive actions we can take, now and in the future, to reduce pollution, prepare our communities for the consequences of climate change, and speed the transition to more sustainable sources of energy.

Four years ago, other countries dominated the clean energy market and the jobs that came with it.  And we’ve begun to change that.  Last year, wind energy added nearly half of all new power capacity in America.  So let’s generate even more.  Solar energy gets cheaper by the year -- let’s drive down costs even further. As long as countries like China keep going all in on clean energy, so must we.

Now, in the meantime, the natural gas boom has led to cleaner power and greater energy independence.  We need to encourage that.  And that’s why my administration will keep cutting red tape and speeding up new oil and gas permits.  (Applause.)  That’s got to be part of an all-of-the-above plan.  But I also want to work with this Congress to encourage the research and technology that helps natural gas burn even cleaner and protects our air and our water.

In fact, much of our new-found energy is drawn from lands and waters that we, the public, own together.  So tonight, I propose we use some of our oil and gas revenues to fund an Energy Security Trust that will drive new research and technology to shift our cars and trucks off oil for good.  If a nonpartisan coalition of CEOs and retired generals and admirals can get behind this idea, then so can we.  Let’s take their advice and free our families and businesses from the painful spikes in gas prices we’ve put up with for far too long. 

I’m also issuing a new goal for America:  Let’s cut in half the energy wasted by our homes and businesses over the next 20 years.  (Applause.)  We'll work with the states to do it.  Those states with the best ideas to create jobs and lower energy bills by constructing more efficient buildings will receive federal support to help make that happen.

America’s energy sector is just one part of an aging infrastructure badly in need of repair.  Ask any CEO where they’d rather locate and hire -- a country with deteriorating roads and bridges, or one with high-speed rail and Internet; high-tech schools, self-healing power grids.  The CEO of Siemens America -- a company that brought hundreds of new jobs to North Carolina -- said that if we upgrade our infrastructure, they’ll bring even more jobs.  And that’s the attitude of a lot of companies all around the world.  And I know you want these job-creating projects in your district.  I’ve seen all those ribbon-cuttings. (Laughter.) 

So tonight, I propose a “Fix-It-First” program to put people to work as soon as possible on our most urgent repairs, like the nearly 70,000 structurally deficient bridges across the country. (Applause.)  And to make sure taxpayers don’t shoulder the whole burden, I’m also proposing a Partnership to Rebuild America that attracts private capital to upgrade what our businesses need most:  modern ports to move our goods, modern pipelines to withstand a storm, modern schools worthy of our children.  (Applause.)  Let’s prove that there’s no better place to do business than here in the United States of America, and let’s start right away.  We can get this done.

And part of our rebuilding effort must also involve our housing sector.  The good news is our housing market is finally healing from the collapse of 2007.  Home prices are rising at the fastest pace in six years.  Home purchases are up nearly 50 percent, and construction is expanding again. 

But even with mortgage rates near a 50-year low, too many families with solid credit who want to buy a home are being rejected.  Too many families who never missed a payment and want to refinance are being told no.  That’s holding our entire economy back.  We need to fix it. 

Right now, there’s a bill in this Congress that would give every responsible homeowner in America the chance to save $3,000 a year by refinancing at today’s rates.  Democrats and Republicans have supported it before, so what are we waiting for? Take a vote, and send me that bill.  (Applause.)  Why would we be against that?  (Applause.)  Why would that be a partisan issue, helping folks refinance?  Right now, overlapping regulations keep responsible young families from buying their first home.  What’s holding us back?  Let’s streamline the process, and help our economy grow.

These initiatives in manufacturing, energy, infrastructure, housing -- all these things will help entrepreneurs and small business owners expand and create new jobs.  But none of it will matter unless we also equip our citizens with the skills and training to fill those jobs.  (Applause.) 

And that has to start at the earliest possible age.  Study after study shows that the sooner a child begins learning, the better he or she does down the road.  But today, fewer than 3 in 10 four year-olds are enrolled in a high-quality preschool program.  Most middle-class parents can’t afford a few hundred bucks a week for a private preschool.  And for poor kids who need help the most, this lack of access to preschool education can shadow them for the rest of their lives.  So tonight, I propose working with states to make high-quality preschool available to every single child in America.  (Applause.)  That's something we should be able to do. 

Every dollar we invest in high-quality early childhood education can save more than seven dollars later on -- by boosting graduation rates, reducing teen pregnancy, even reducing violent crime.  In states that make it a priority to educate our youngest children, like Georgia or Oklahoma, studies show students grow up more likely to read and do math at grade level, graduate high school, hold a job, form more stable families of their own.  We know this works.  So let’s do what works and make sure none of our children start the race of life already behind. Let’s give our kids that chance.  (Applause.)

Let’s also make sure that a high school diploma puts our kids on a path to a good job.  Right now, countries like Germany focus on graduating their high school students with the equivalent of a technical degree from one of our community colleges.  So those German kids, they're ready for a job when they graduate high school.  They've been trained for the jobs that are there.  Now at schools like P-Tech in Brooklyn, a collaboration between New York Public Schools and City University of New York and IBM, students will graduate with a high school diploma and an associate's degree in computers or engineering. 
We need to give every American student opportunities like this.  (Applause.) 

And four years ago, we started Race to the Top -- a competition that convinced almost every state to develop smarter curricula and higher standards, all for about 1 percent of what we spend on education each year.  Tonight, I’m announcing a new challenge to redesign America’s high schools so they better equip graduates for the demands of a high-tech economy.  And we’ll reward schools that develop new partnerships with colleges and employers, and create classes that focus on science, technology, engineering and math -- the skills today’s employers are looking for to fill the jobs that are there right now and will be there in the future.

Now, even with better high schools, most young people will need some higher education.  It’s a simple fact the more education you’ve got, the more likely you are to have a good job and work your way into the middle class.  But today, skyrocketing costs price too many young people out of a higher education, or saddle them with unsustainable debt.

Through tax credits, grants and better loans, we’ve made college more affordable for millions of students and families over the last few years.  But taxpayers can’t keep on subsidizing higher and higher and higher costs for higher education.  Colleges must do their part to keep costs down, and it’s our job to make sure that they do.  (Applause.)

So tonight, I ask Congress to change the Higher Education Act so that affordability and value are included in determining which colleges receive certain types of federal aid.  (Applause.) And tomorrow, my administration will release a new “College Scorecard” that parents and students can use to compare schools based on a simple criteria -- where you can get the most bang for your educational buck.  

Now, to grow our middle class, our citizens have to have access to the education and training that today’s jobs require.  But we also have to make sure that America remains a place where everyone who’s willing to work -- everybody who’s willing to work hard has the chance to get ahead.

Our economy is stronger when we harness the talents and ingenuity of striving, hopeful immigrants.  (Applause.)  And right now, leaders from the business, labor, law enforcement, faith communities -- they all agree that the time has come to pass comprehensive immigration reform.  (Applause.)  Now is the time to do it.  Now is the time to get it done.  Now is the time to get it done.  (Applause.)

Real reform means strong border security, and we can build on the progress my administration has already made -- putting more boots on the Southern border than at any time in our history and reducing illegal crossings to their lowest levels in 40 years. 

Real reform means establishing a responsible pathway to earned citizenship -- a path that includes passing a background check, paying taxes and a meaningful penalty, learning English, and going to the back of the line behind the folks trying to come here legally.  (Applause.) 

And real reform means fixing the legal immigration system to cut waiting periods and attract the highly-skilled entrepreneurs and engineers that will help create jobs and grow our economy.  (Applause.)  

In other words, we know what needs to be done.  And as we speak, bipartisan groups in both chambers are working diligently to draft a bill, and I applaud their efforts.  So let’s get this done.  Send me a comprehensive immigration reform bill in the next few months, and I will sign it right away.  And America will be better for it.  (Applause.)  Let’s get it done.  Let’s get it done. 

But we can’t stop there.  We know our economy is stronger when our wives, our mothers, our daughters can live their lives free from discrimination in the workplace, and free from the fear of domestic violence.  Today, the Senate passed the Violence Against Women Act that Joe Biden originally wrote almost 20 years ago.  And I now urge the House to do the same.  (Applause.)  Good job, Joe.  And I ask this Congress to declare that women should earn a living equal to their efforts, and finally pass the Paycheck Fairness Act this year.  (Applause.)

We know our economy is stronger when we reward an honest day’s work with honest wages.  But today, a full-time worker making the minimum wage earns $14,500 a year.  Even with the tax relief we put in place, a family with two kids that earns the minimum wage still lives below the poverty line.  That’s wrong.  That’s why, since the last time this Congress raised the minimum wage, 19 states have chosen to bump theirs even higher.

Tonight, let’s declare that in the wealthiest nation on Earth, no one who works full-time should have to live in poverty, and raise the federal minimum wage to $9.00 an hour.  (Applause.) We should be able to get that done.  (Applause.)

This single step would raise the incomes of millions of working families.  It could mean the difference between groceries or the food bank; rent or eviction; scraping by or finally getting ahead.  For businesses across the country, it would mean customers with more money in their pockets.  And a whole lot of folks out there would probably need less help from government.  In fact, working folks shouldn’t have to wait year after year for the minimum wage to go up while CEO pay has never been higher.  So here’s an idea that Governor Romney and I actually agreed on last year -- let’s tie the minimum wage to the cost of living, so that it finally becomes a wage you can live on.  (Applause.)

Tonight, let’s also recognize that there are communities in this country where no matter how hard you work, it is virtually impossible to get ahead.  Factory towns decimated from years of plants packing up.  Inescapable pockets of poverty, urban and rural, where young adults are still fighting for their first job.  America is not a place where the chance of birth or circumstance should decide our destiny.  And that’s why we need to build new ladders of opportunity into the middle class for all who are willing to climb them.

Let’s offer incentives to companies that hire Americans who’ve got what it takes to fill that job opening, but have been out of work so long that no one will give them a chance anymore. Let’s put people back to work rebuilding vacant homes in run-down neighborhoods.  And this year, my administration will begin to partner with 20 of the hardest-hit towns in America to get these communities back on their feet.  We’ll work with local leaders to target resources at public safety, and education, and housing. 

We’ll give new tax credits to businesses that hire and invest.  And we’ll work to strengthen families by removing the financial deterrents to marriage for low-income couples, and do more to encourage fatherhood -- because what makes you a man isn’t the ability to conceive a child; it’s having the courage to raise one.  And we want to encourage that.  We want to help that. (Applause.)

Stronger families.  Stronger communities.  A stronger America.  It is this kind of prosperity -- broad, shared, built on a thriving middle class -- that has always been the source of our progress at home.  It’s also the foundation of our power and influence throughout the world.

Tonight, we stand united in saluting the troops and civilians who sacrifice every day to protect us.  Because of them, we can say with confidence that America will complete its mission in Afghanistan and achieve our objective of defeating the core of al Qaeda.  (Applause.) 

Already, we have brought home 33,000 of our brave servicemen and women.  This spring, our forces will move into a support role, while Afghan security forces take the lead.  Tonight, I can announce that over the next year, another 34,000 American troops will come home from Afghanistan.  This drawdown will continue and by the end of next year, our war in Afghanistan will be over.  (Applause.)  

Beyond 2014, America’s commitment to a unified and sovereign Afghanistan will endure, but the nature of our commitment will change.  We're negotiating an agreement with the Afghan government that focuses on two missions -- training and equipping Afghan forces so that the country does not again slip into chaos, and counterterrorism efforts that allow us to pursue the remnants of al Qaeda and their affiliates.

Today, the organization that attacked us on 9/11 is a shadow of its former self.  (Applause.)  It's true, different al Qaeda affiliates and extremist groups have emerged -- from the Arabian Peninsula to Africa.  The threat these groups pose is evolving.  But to meet this threat, we don’t need to send tens of thousands of our sons and daughters abroad or occupy other nations.  Instead, we'll need to help countries like Yemen, and Libya, and Somalia provide for their own security, and help allies who take the fight to terrorists, as we have in Mali.  And where necessary, through a range of capabilities, we will continue to take direct action against those terrorists who pose the gravest threat to Americans.  (Applause.) 

Now, as we do, we must enlist our values in the fight.  That's why my administration has worked tirelessly to forge a durable legal and policy framework to guide our counterterrorism efforts.  Throughout, we have kept Congress fully informed of our efforts.  I recognize that in our democracy, no one should just take my word for it that we’re doing things the right way.  So in the months ahead, I will continue to engage Congress to ensure not only that our targeting, detention and prosecution of terrorists remains consistent with our laws and system of checks and balances, but that our efforts are even more transparent to the American people and to the world.  (Applause.)

Of course, our challenges don’t end with al Qaeda.  America will continue to lead the effort to prevent the spread of the world’s most dangerous weapons.  The regime in North Korea must know they will only achieve security and prosperity by meeting their international obligations.  Provocations of the sort we saw last night will only further isolate them, as we stand by our allies, strengthen our own missile defense and lead the world in taking firm action in response to these threats. 

Likewise, the leaders of Iran must recognize that now is the time for a diplomatic solution, because a coalition stands united in demanding that they meet their obligations, and we will do what is necessary to prevent them from getting a nuclear weapon. (Applause.)

At the same time, we’ll engage Russia to seek further reductions in our nuclear arsenals, and continue leading the global effort to secure nuclear materials that could fall into the wrong hands -- because our ability to influence others depends on our willingness to lead and meet our obligations.

America must also face the rapidly growing threat from cyber-attacks.  (Applause.)  Now, we know hackers steal people’s identities and infiltrate private emails.  We know foreign countries and companies swipe our corporate secrets.  Now our enemies are also seeking the ability to sabotage our power grid, our financial institutions, our air traffic control systems.  We cannot look back years from now and wonder why we did nothing in the face of real threats to our security and our economy. 

And that’s why, earlier today, I signed a new executive order that will strengthen our cyber defenses by increasing information sharing, and developing standards to protect our national security, our jobs, and our privacy.  (Applause.)

But now Congress must act as well, by passing legislation to give our government a greater capacity to secure our networks and deter attacks.  This is something we should be able to get done on a bipartisan basis.  (Applause.)

Now, even as we protect our people, we should remember that today’s world presents not just dangers, not just threats, it presents opportunities.  To boost American exports, support American jobs and level the playing field in the growing markets of Asia, we intend to complete negotiations on a Trans-Pacific Partnership.  And tonight, I’m announcing that we will launch talks on a comprehensive Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with the European Union -- because trade that is fair and free across the Atlantic supports millions of good-paying American jobs.  (Applause.)

We also know that progress in the most impoverished parts of our world enriches us all -- not only because it creates new markets, more stable order in certain regions of the world, but also because it’s the right thing to do.  In many places, people live on little more than a dollar a day.  So the United States will join with our allies to eradicate such extreme poverty in the next two decades by connecting more people to the global economy; by empowering women; by giving our young and brightest minds new opportunities to serve, and helping communities to feed, and power, and educate themselves; by saving the world’s children from preventable deaths; and by realizing the promise of an AIDS-free generation, which is within our reach.  (Applause.)  

You see, America must remain a beacon to all who seek freedom during this period of historic change.  I saw the power of hope last year in Rangoon, in Burma, when Aung San Suu Kyi welcomed an American President into the home where she had been imprisoned for years; when thousands of Burmese lined the streets, waving American flags, including a man who said, “There is justice and law in the United States.  I want our country to be like that.”

In defense of freedom, we’ll remain the anchor of strong alliances from the Americas to Africa; from Europe to Asia.  In the Middle East, we will stand with citizens as they demand their universal rights, and support stable transitions to democracy.  (Applause.) 

We know the process will be messy, and we cannot presume to dictate the course of change in countries like Egypt, but we can -- and will -- insist on respect for the fundamental rights of all people.  We’ll keep the pressure on a Syrian regime that has murdered its own people, and support opposition leaders that respect the rights of every Syrian.  And we will stand steadfast with Israel in pursuit of security and a lasting peace.  (Applause.) 

These are the messages I'll deliver when I travel to the Middle East next month.  And all this work depends on the courage and sacrifice of those who serve in dangerous places at great personal risk –- our diplomats, our intelligence officers, and the men and women of the United States Armed Forces.  As long as I’m Commander-in-Chief, we will do whatever we must to protect those who serve their country abroad, and we will maintain the best military the world has ever known.  (Applause.)

We'll invest in new capabilities, even as we reduce waste and wartime spending.  We will ensure equal treatment for all servicemembers, and equal benefits for their families -- gay and straight.  (Applause.)  We will draw upon the courage and skills of our sisters and daughters and moms, because women have proven under fire that they are ready for combat. 

We will keep faith with our veterans, investing in world-class care, including mental health care, for our wounded warriors -- (applause) -- supporting our military families; giving our veterans the benefits and education and job opportunities that they have earned.  And I want to thank my wife, Michelle, and Dr. Jill Biden for their continued dedication to serving our military families as well as they have served us. Thank you, honey.  Thank you, Jill.  (Applause.) 

Defending our freedom, though, is not just the job of our military alone.  We must all do our part to make sure our God-given rights are protected here at home.  That includes one of the most fundamental right of a democracy:  the right to vote.  (Applause.)  When any American, no matter where they live or what their party, are denied that right because they can’t afford to wait for five or six or seven hours just to cast their ballot, we are betraying our ideals.  (Applause.) 

So tonight, I’m announcing a nonpartisan commission to improve the voting experience in America.  And it definitely needs improvement.  I’m asking two long-time experts in the field -- who, by the way, recently served as the top attorneys for my campaign and for Governor Romney’s campaign -- to lead it.  We can fix this, and we will.  The American people demand it, and so does our democracy.  (Applause.)

Of course, what I’ve said tonight matters little if we don’t come together to protect our most precious resource:  our children.  It has been two months since Newtown.  I know this is not the first time this country has debated how to reduce gun violence.  But this time is different.  Overwhelming majorities of Americans -- Americans who believe in the Second Amendment -- have come together around common-sense reform, like background checks that will make it harder for criminals to get their hands on a gun.  (Applause.)  Senators of both parties are working together on tough new laws to prevent anyone from buying guns for resale to criminals.  Police chiefs are asking our help to get weapons of war and massive ammunition magazines off our streets, because these police chiefs, they’re tired of seeing their guys and gals being outgunned. 

Each of these proposals deserves a vote in Congress.  (Applause.)  Now, if you want to vote no, that’s your choice.  But these proposals deserve a vote.  Because in the two months since Newtown, more than a thousand birthdays, graduations, anniversaries have been stolen from our lives by a bullet from a gun -- more than a thousand.

One of those we lost was a young girl named Hadiya Pendleton.  She was 15 years old.  She loved Fig Newtons and lip gloss.  She was a majorette.  She was so good to her friends they all thought they were her best friend.  Just three weeks ago, she was here, in Washington, with her classmates, performing for her country at my inauguration.  And a week later, she was shot and killed in a Chicago park after school, just a mile away from my house.

Hadiya’s parents, Nate and Cleo, are in this chamber tonight, along with more than two dozen Americans whose lives have been torn apart by gun violence.  They deserve a vote.  They deserve a vote.  (Applause.)  Gabby Giffords deserves a vote.  (Applause.)  The families of Newtown deserve a vote.  (Applause.) The families of Aurora deserve a vote.  (Applause.)  The families of Oak Creek and Tucson and Blacksburg, and the countless other communities ripped open by gun violence –- they deserve a simple vote.  (Applause.)  They deserve a simple vote. 

Our actions will not prevent every senseless act of violence in this country.  In fact, no laws, no initiatives, no administrative acts will perfectly solve all the challenges I’ve outlined tonight.  But we were never sent here to be perfect.  We were sent here to make what difference we can, to secure this nation, expand opportunity, uphold our ideals through the hard, often frustrating, but absolutely necessary work of self-government.

We were sent here to look out for our fellow Americans the same way they look out for one another, every single day, usually without fanfare, all across this country.  We should follow their example.

We should follow the example of a New York City nurse named Menchu Sanchez.  When Hurricane Sandy plunged her hospital into darkness, she wasn’t thinking about how her own home was faring. Her mind was on the 20 precious newborns in her care and the rescue plan she devised that kept them all safe.

We should follow the example of a North Miami woman named Desiline Victor.  When Desiline arrived at her polling place, she was told the wait to vote might be six hours.  And as time ticked by, her concern was not with her tired body or aching feet, but whether folks like her would get to have their say.  And hour after hour, a throng of people stayed in line to support her -- because Desiline is 102 years old.  (Applause.)  And they erupted in cheers when she finally put on a sticker that read, “I voted.” (Applause.)

We should follow the example of a police officer named Brian Murphy.  When a gunman opened fire on a Sikh temple in Wisconsin and Brian was the first to arrive, he did not consider his own safety.  He fought back until help arrived and ordered his fellow officers to protect the safety of the Americans worshiping inside, even as he lay bleeding from 12 bullet wounds.  And when asked how he did that, Brian said, “That’s just the way we’re made.”

That’s just the way we’re made.  We may do different jobs and wear different uniforms, and hold different views than the person beside us.  But as Americans, we all share the same proud title -- we are citizens.  It’s a word that doesn’t just describe our nationality or legal status.  It describes the way we’re made.  It describes what we believe.  It captures the enduring idea that this country only works when we accept certain obligations to one another and to future generations, that our rights are wrapped up in the rights of others; and that well into our third century as a nation, it remains the task of us all, as citizens of these United States, to be the authors of the next great chapter of our American story. 

Thank you.  God bless you, and God bless these United States of America.  (Applause.)
 
END
10:16 P.M.