Showing posts with label ECCC. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ECCC. Show all posts

ECCC is in shamble

 http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/11/23/cambodia_court_justice_khmer_rouge
Justice Denied
The U.N.-sponsored tribunal established to prosecute those responsible for the Khmer Rouge’s crimes is in shambles, and the United Nations doesn’t have a clue how to fix it.
BY DOUGLAS GILLISON | NOVEMBER 23, 2011

Due to the UN’s failure to act, ECCC is in shamble, and the UN still has no clue how to fix it

NEW YORK/PHNOM PENH, Cambodia — In the evening hours of a sweltering Friday at the end of April, a team of U.N. lawyers in Cambodia alerted Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to a crisis at a tribunal built to serve the millions of victims of the Khmer Rouge, arguably the most important court functioning in the world today.

That day, the lawyers' bosses -- a judge from Germany and a prominent Cambodian appeals judge -- had shut down an investigation of two Khmer Rouge military leaders for war crimes and crimes against humanity before it had even really begun.

"It is our duty to notify you that we consider, as a matter of law and procedure, that the co-investigating judges did not conduct a genuine, impartial or effective investigation and as such did not discharge their legal obligation to ascertain the truth," the lawyers wrote. "In our view, the decision to close the investigation at this stage breaches international standards of justice, fairness and due process of law."

The families of countless victims in the case would be denied justice. The leaders of Pol Pot's navy and air force -- accused among other crimes of eliminating more than 4,500 of their subordinates -- would never be held to account for their alleged involvement in torture, executions and forced labor.
And this would undoubtedly appear to have been done under pressure from the Cambodian government, which had publicly announced that the case, as well as another larger investigation, was not "allowed."

The team told Ban that it was writing "to seek your guidance on how to proceed in these circumstances."

In the seven months since the letter was written, the United Nations has not offered a substantive answer to these problems. Indeed, as matters continued to worsen, officials at headquarters in New York determined that their hands were tied, leaving matters to deteriorate to the point of scandal.

It wasn't supposed to be this way. In 2006, the United Nations and the Cambodian government jointly established the court, known officially as the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, to deliver justice for the crimes of a regime that had left up to 2.2 million Cambodians dead between 1975 and 1979 and devastated an entire nation. The trials were to consider the greatest number of victims of any since Nuremberg, a half century earlier.

Opening arguments began on Nov. 21 in the court's second case, a landmark of international law involving senior leaders of the former regime charged with crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes for their alleged roles in a revolution that caused mass movements of millions of people at gunpoint, enslaving virtually all Cambodians in a regime of forced labor, imprisonment, hunger, torture and execution. Only three accused are likely to stand trial, as trial judges declared that a fourth defendant, former Social Action Minister Ieng Thirith, is mentally unfit (though prosecutors are appealing).

The leader of Pol Pot's secret police, Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch, was convicted in 2010 in the court's first case of crimes against humanity, for overseeing the brutal extermination of an estimated 14,000 people.

But as the court came to two other politically sensitive cases at the end of last year, Dr. Siegfried Blunk, hand-picked by the United Nations to serve as one of two co-investigating judges, began a crude attempt to whitewash five suspects accused in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people, including immediately telling his staff to seek new employment and that their office would likely close by the end of 2011.

In addition to the case closed in April, Blunk all but publicly announced his intention to dismiss a fourth case in which prosecutors said three mid-level officials were tasked with a wave of criminality that swept Cambodia in 1977 as the regime began to falter, resulting in forced labor, genocide and an estimated number of executions that added up to between 250,000 and 300,000 people killed.

Blunk remained equally opposed to a thorough investigation in this case, too, confining his inquiries to a handful of witnesses per suspect, whom he interviewed personally instead of delegating this task to investigators, and taking the unusual step of using the word "insolent" twice in a confidential order refusing a request from U.N. prosecutors to put evidence on file. One witness interviewed by Blunk described conditions that appeared less than likely to elicit candor -- he was conspicuously summoned to testify in front of local government officials and denied knowledge of any crimes, before changing his story when private researchers visited him later.

Blunk resigned in October this year amid calls for an investigation into allegations of his own misconduct.  Judge Laurent Kasper-Ansermet, a Swiss financial crimes investigator, is now preparing to take office as his replacement. But he inherits an office now deserted by its legal staff and a situation in which all sides have dug in their heels for more than three years.

Court officials and observers say that, rather than strengthening the rule of law and holding the Khmer Rouge accountable for their crimes, the U.N.-sponsored effort has risked reinforcing the notion that powerful people can dictate the law. "This is the worst possible example that we can set here. If you have the right judge, you can secure impunity," a U.N. staff member who worked under Blunk told me. "We came here to do exactly the opposite."

"No one believed what we were saying ... until the whole thing blew up."


===

Khmer Rouge War Crime Tribunal Judge, Siegfried Blunk, Resigns
SOPHENG CHEANG   10/10/11 01:03 PM

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia — A German judge responsible for indictments of Khmer Rouge war crimes suspects at Cambodia's U.N.-backed tribunal has resigned, alleging government interference in the investigation of new cases.

Judge Siegfried Blunk had come under fire from rights groups for failing to fully investigate new suspects for the court

Last week, Human Rights Watch called for Blunk to resign for failing to conduct genuine and impartial investigations into suspects beyond one convicted last year and four others set for trial.

Prime Minister Hun Sen has also openly opposed expanding the trials with additional indictments of former Khmer Rouge figures, some of whom have become his political allies

Cambodian Information Minister Khieu Kanharith denied that the government was interfering with the court.

U.N. deputy spokesman Eduardo del Buey said Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon had received Blunk's resignation "and thanked him for his service."

Human Rights Watch also called last week for a second judge responsible for indictments on the court – You Bunleng of Cambodiato step down.

Controversy over the two co-investigating judges' actions began in April, when they announced that they had concluded their investigation into what is known as Case 003.  The judges' move also triggered criticism from several of the tribunal's U.N.-appointed legal staff, who complained in a private letter to U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon that the move represented a failure of justice.

The tribunal, which has faced lengthy delays throughout its history, reached its first verdict last year, sentencing former prison chief Kaing Guek Eav to 35 years in prison for war crimes, crimes against humanity and other offenses.

the list of suspects
Still facing trial are Khieu Samphan, the former Khmer Rouge head of state; Nuon Chea, who was leader Pol Pot's No. 2 and the group's chief ideologist; former Foreign Minister Ieng Sary; and his wife, Ieng Thirith, who was minister for social affairs. All are in their 70s or 80s.

Associated Press writer Edith M. Lederer at the United Nations contributed to this report.

seminar on IHL Oct. 22, 2011

One instructor who used to work at ECCC presented on international enforcement of IHL.

the cost of international criminal tribunal (ICTR, ICTY, SCSL, ECCC, and ICC) 
as of 2010, $4.7 B 

He threw out a question: international criminal tribunals worth the money? 

I responded: what else can we do? R2P -- military intervention -- is too intrusive. Diplomatic resolution, e.g., under Ch. 6 of the UN Charter is toothless. International criminal tribunal is the only viable option available to international community. He tried to pose a question of what we could get out of the money (or the efforts) -- cost-benefit analysis. I would point out opportunity cost. 

After presentation, I asked a question on the ECCC: why the UN does not really step in to fix the governmental intervention in the ECCC. I prefer to see UNSG condemning and accusing Cambodian government of crippling independence of the ECCC. 

He responded by saying that unless pulling out of Cambodia, the UN should be cooperative with the Cambodian government, rather than confrontational.  



Khmer Rhouge Trial Begins in Cambodia for Case 002

June 27, 2011

Khmer Rhouge Trial Begins in Cambodia for Case 002

The joint trial of the four most senior surviving leaders of the notorious Khmer Rouge regime got under way today in Cambodia at the United Nations-backed tribunal set up to deal with the worst offences committed under the group’s reign.  Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith, Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea are all facing charges of genocide, murder, torture, religious persecution and other war crimes and crimes against humanity over their alleged actions when the Khmer Rouge was in power between April 1975 and January 1979.

A five-judge panel at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), sitting in Phnom Penh, today began hearing preliminary arguments from lawyers for the four accused, who were arrested in 2007 and indicted by the tribunal last year.

At least 1.7 million Cambodians are estimated to have died from starvation, forced labour, torture and execution during the rule of the Khmer Rouge, which was followed by a protracted period of civil war.

The indictment states that Mr. Nuon, 84, known as “Brother Number Two” under the Khmer Rouge, acted as chief policy architect of the Communist Party of Kampuchea, controlled the country’s internal security apparatus and rendered support for the regime’s policies of forcible relocation, enslavement and other inhumane acts. Mr. Ieng, 84, served as foreign minister and deputy prime minister under the Khmer Rouge.

A former history professor, he fled to Thailand when the regime fell in 1979. His wife, Thirith, served as social affairs minister. Khieu Samphan, 79, was a professor before serving as head of State of Democratic Kampuchea. He took over from Pol Pot when he retired as the official head of the Khmer Rouge in 1987. All four have previously denied the allegations against them.

Between today and Thursday, the ECCC trial chamber is expected to hear arguments over statutory limitations and discuss witnesses for the first phases of the substantive hearing, which is expected to begin later this year. The courtroom was filled with hundreds of Cambodians who came from across the country to observe the proceedings, known as Case 002, in person.

 The ECCC was set up in 2006 and the UN provides assistance through the UN Assistance to the Khmer Rouge Trials (UNAKRT) and participates in the operations of the tribunal.

(UN Press Release)

No Justice in the Killing Fields

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/27/opinion/27iht-edgoldston27.html?_r=1&sq=No%20Justice%20in%20the%20Killing%20Fields&st=Search&scp=1&pagewanted=print
April 26, 2011

By JAMES A. GOLDSTON


NEW YORK — More than 30 years after the murderous Khmer Rouge were driven from power in Cambodia, the U.N.-backed effort to bring justice to the victims of the killing fields stands on the brink of ignominious failure due to political interference from the Cambodian government and the indifference of the international community.

A hybrid court, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, has spent over $200 million since it was set up in 2003 with both international and local judges and prosecutors. It has tried only one person: Kang Kech Eav, or Duch, the head of the notorious Tuol Sleng prison complex, who is appealing his conviction for crimes against humanity, murder and torture.

Now Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen has taken an axe to further proceedings. In power for over 25 years, Hun Sen has repeatedly and publicly declared that the court should try only one more case (case “002” in court parlance), against four detained senior ex-Khmer Rouge leaders, all of whom are in their late 70s or 80s.

As for five additional unnamed suspects, whom the court’s pre-trial chamber approved for investigation, Hun Sen bluntly informed U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon late last year that they would not be “allowed” to go forward.

The reason offered is the supposed threat any additional trial would pose to peace in Cambodia. Others suspect that the prime minister is simply enforcing a pact he long ago cut within his ruling Cambodian People’s Party that none of its ex-Khmer Rouge members would ever be tried or otherwise exposed for crimes they committed, no matter how serious.

Other actors have their own reasons for acquiescing in this. Donors want to save money and are anxious for the court to wind up operations.

Having invested more than a decade in negotiations to launch the court and keep it alive, the United Nations finds it hard to walk away now. It is institutionally committed to the court, even though in 2002, then-secretary general Kofi Annan recommended against U.N. involvement in a tribunal which he rightly believed lacked adequate protections against precisely the kind of political interference that is blocking the additional cases.

Mr. Annan was compelled by pressure from the United States, Australia, France and Japan to accept the present flawed structure (the International Criminal Court is limited to prosecuting crimes that were committed after it was established in 2002).

Court officials are thus caught in a trap. The fearful Cambodian staff must respond to political pressures. Even international staffers feel constrained to focus their efforts on making the most of case 002, given the unlikelihood of any further trials.

As a result, the right course of action — allowing all cases currently before the judges to proceed through to completion — now seems unattainable. Advocates of impartial justice are faced, as they have been throughout the morally tainted history of this tribunal, with a choice of lesser evils.

One option under discussion would involve deception. According to various sources, court officials might “gracefully” dispose of the additional five suspects, for example, by presumptively finding that none of them are among those “most responsible” for Khmer Rouge crimes, as the governing statute requires. Such a move would implicate the court in a political decision to halt proceedings.

Unfortunately, this is where things seem to be headed. By their own awkward admission, the Cambodian and international judges responsible for investigating the additional cases have restricted their staff to desk review; no field investigation is underway. This month the deputy national co-prosecutor reaffirmed there would be no further prosecutions. The fix, it seems, is in.

A preferable, if still distasteful, alternative, would be to honestly horse-trade abandonment of the additional cases in exchange for a guarantee of total government cooperation, and full donor resources, for case 002.

The United Nations and the Cambodian authorities should openly declare that the hybrid court will cease operations after conclusion of case 002 due to government objections and the lack of continued funding. As part of the squalid bargain, the government should publicly commit itself to lifting its illegal veto of the pending witness summonses and comply swiftly with any other court order or request.

Even with these conditions fulfilled, victims of the Khmer Rouge will be cheated of the more comprehensive accountability further trials would have produced. And every Cambodian will know that all the will the international community could muster was not sufficient to create a truly independent court. It’s time for the U.N. to end the charade.

James A. Goldston is the executive director of the Open Society Justice Initiative. In 2007–2008 he was coordinator of prosecutions at the International Criminal Court.

Three Grounds of Appeal for the Duch Verdict from the Cambodia Tribunal

http://lawprofessors.typepad.com/international_law/2010/08/appeal-of-the-duch-verdict.html

Aug. 20, 2010

Cambodia TribunalAs reported earlier, the Co-Prosecutors for the Extraordinary Courts of the Chambers of Cambodia (ECCC) have filed an appeal of the Trial Chamber's judgment against Kaing Guek Eav (also known as "Duch"). This post sets out the three grounds of appeal in the co-prosecutors' notice of appeal.

.

The ECCC Trial Chamber issued its judgment on July 26, 2010, sentencing Kaing Guek Eav to 35 years imprisonment, but giving him credit for 11 years already served and a further reduction of five years because he had been illegally held without charges for nine of the 11 years served. The co-prosecutors now appeal on three grounds.

.

First, the Co-Prosecutors claim that the Trial Chamber gave insufficient weight to the gravity of the crimes, his role and willing participation in those crimes, and other aggravating circumstances. The Co-Prosecutors also said that the Trial Chamber gave undue weight to mitigating circumstances. The Co-Prosecutors also stated that the sentence failed to consider the relevant international sentencing law and that the sentence imposed fell outside the range of sentences available.

.

Second, the Co-Prosecutors claim that the Trial Chamber erred in not issuing cumulative sentences for the crimes against humanity of enslavement, imprisonment, torture, rape, extermination, and other inhumane acts, and by subsuming those crimes in the crime against humanity of persecution on political grounds. The Co-Prosecutors also stated that the Trial Chamber erred by characterizing the crime against humanity of rape as torture, and by failing to convict him cumulatively for the distinct crimes against humanity of rape and torture.

.

Third, the Co-Prosecutors claim that the Trial Chamber erred in using a definition of the crime against humanity of enslavement that required forced labor as an essential element. They claim that the Trial Court erred in not sentencing Duch for the enslavement of persons who were not subjected to forced labor in the S-21 prison.

Click here to read the notice of appeal.