U.S.-Mongolia Joint Statement

June 16, 2011 ; White House Press Releases


U.S.-Mongolia Joint Statement

The President of the United States of America, Barack Obama, and the President of Mongolia, Elbegdorj Tsakhia, today reaffirmed their commitment to a United States-Mongolia comprehensive partnership based on common values and shared strategic interests. They emphasized their two countries' common interest in protecting and promoting freedom, democracy and human rights worldwide, and confirmed their intention to strengthen trade, investment and people-to-people ties so as to support economic growth and deepen the bonds of friendship between their two peoples. The two sides underscored their commitment to promoting a peaceful, stable and prosperous Asia-Pacific region through closer regional cooperation and support for regional multilateral institutions.

The United States and Mongolia reaffirmed their nations' commitments to the principles of cooperation outlined in the 2007 U.S.-Mongolia Joint Statement, and to the consensus reached in the 2004 and 2005 U.S.-Mongolia Joint Statements.  The United States applauded the progress made by the Mongolian people in the past 22 years to deepen the foundations of their young democracy, congratulated Mongolia on assuming the Chairmanship of the Community of Democracies in July 2011, and expressed its full support and close cooperation with Mongolia in successfully fulfilling the Chair's responsibilities.

Mongolia welcomed and supported the key role played by the United States as an Asia-Pacific nation in securing peace, stability and prosperity in the region. The United States reaffirmed its support for a secure and prosperous  Mongolia that plays an active role in regional affairs and that promotes strong, friendly and open relations with its neighbors. The United States and Mongolia pledged to work together to address their shared economic, security and development interests through regional institutions in the Asia-Pacific and through the United Nations and other multilateral organizations.

The two sides committed to further develop their countries' strong economic partnership. The United States confirmed its support for Mongolia's efforts to integrate its economy into regional and international economic and financial institutions. Mongolia expressed its appreciation for continued U.S. support and economic assistance. Mongolia noted the important role that U.S. companies, with their internationally leading management, technical, safety, environmental, and sustainable mining practices, will play in the development of the country's coal, other mineral resource, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and tourism industries.   The United States welcomed Mongolian International Airlines' decision to purchase Boeing commercial jetliners and its declared intention to expand its fleet further with U.S. aircraft in the future.  The United States and Mongolia expressed their intention to ensure a welcoming investment and business climate for each other's companies.  In this regard, the two sides highlighted the importance of concluding the negotiations and signing a bilateral Transparency Agreement by the end of 2011, taking into full account the resources, capacity and legal processes of each country.  In order to further deepen economic ties, the two sides signed additional memoranda aimed at trade promotion and aviation cooperation.

Mongolia expressed its thanks for the support provided by the United States under the Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact Agreement, and both sides looked forward to the continued successful implementation of Compact projects that will increase transparency, stimulate sustained economic growth and alleviate poverty in Mongolia. The Mongolian side expressed its intention to take the necessary steps to qualify for consideration for a second MCC Compact Agreement.

The United States thanked Mongolia for its support of the international coalition in Afghanistan, for its announced intention to re-deploy peacekeeping forces to Iraq, and for the country's notable support for UN peacekeeping efforts in Africa.  
Mongolia thanked the United States for the support it provided to Mongolia's Defence Reform Program.  As part of this effort, the nations are working together to build an air mobility capability to support peacekeeping and humanitarian assistance operations. Both sides decided to continue practical cooperation in peacekeeping training through exercises such as Gobi Wolf, Khaan Quest and Pacific Angel.

The United States and Mongolia have decided to explore mutually advantageous activities in nuclear energy based on the September 2010 Memorandum of Understanding between the two countries. The United States recognized and supported the Mongolian Nuclear Initiative, and applauded Mongolia's nuclear weapons free status.  Mongolia confirmed its support for President Obama's Prague vision to include the call for a "New International Framework."

The United States and Mongolia expressed their intention to deepen and broaden people-to-people ties. Building on the creativity of our societies, both countries emphasized the importance that educational and cultural exchanges play in the bilateral relationship, and confirmed the role that innovative public-private partnerships can play in strengthening bilateral ties.



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2004, 2005, and 2007 U.S.-Mongolia Joint Statement
Mongolia assumed on Chairmanship of the Community of Democracies

U.S. multinational companies expand its biz into Mongolia, e.g. mining.
Mongolian International Airlines purchase Boeing commercial jetliners
Transparency Agreement

MCC (the Millennium Challenge Corporation)
support of the international coalition in Afghanistan; re-deploy peacekeeping forces to Iraq; and notable support for UN peacekeeping efforts in Africa
Mongolia's Defense Reform Program

Mongolian Nuclear Initiative
Mongolia's nuclear weapon free status
President Obama's Prague vision

Taking the time to be a dad




Sun, Jun 19, 2011 at 9:09 AM

I grew up without a father around. I was lucky enough to be raised by a wonderful mother who, like so many heroic single mothers, never allowed my father's absence to be an excuse for me to slack off or not always do my best. But I often wonder what it would have been like if my father had a greater presence in my life.

So as a father of two young girls, I've tried hard to be a good dad. I haven't always been perfect – there have been times when work kept me away from my family too often, and most of the parenting duties fell to Michelle.

I know many other fathers face similar challenges. Whether you're a military dad returning from deployment or a father doing his best to make ends meet for his family in a tough economy, being a parent isn't easy.

That's why my Administration is kicking off the Year of Strong Fathers, Strong Families. We're joining with dads across the country to do something about father absence. And we're taking steps to offer men who want to be good fathers but are facing challenges in their lives a little extra support, while partnering with businesses to offer fun opportunities for fathers to spend time with their kids. For example, the Association of Zoos and Aquariums, Major League Baseball and the WNBA are offering discounts for fathers and their kids, and companies like Groupon and LivingSocial will be featuring special offers for activities fathers can do with their children.

Happy Father's Day.

Sincerely,

President Barack Obama

Guinea stadium massacre September 2009 - background

Bloody Monday (The September 28 Massacre and Rapes by Security Forces in Guinea) – Human Rights Watch

Background

The human rights of ordinary Guineans have been systematically undermined under the successive leaderships of Ahmed Sékou Touré, president from the time of independence from France in 1958 until 1984, and then Lansana Conté, who led Guinea until his death in December 2008.

A bloodless coup following Conté’s death on December 22, 2008, by a group of Guinean military officers calling themselves the National Council for Democracy and Development (Conseil national pour la démocratie et le développement, CNDD), led by a self-proclaimed president, Captain Moussa Dadis Camara, initially brought some hope for greater protection of democracy and respect for human rights.

Dadis Camara and the CNDD government have entrenched military control of the country’s political affairs, failed to hold free and fair elections as they promised, and steadily and violently suppressed the opposition. The perpetrators of these abuses have enjoyed near complete impunity.

Initially, Dadis Camara took concrete steps to root out the high levels of corruption and involvement by government and military officials in drug trafficking that for years had plagued Guinea, a major transit location for cocaine trafficked between Latin America and Europe.
However, these efforts were characterized by a number of abuses and serious violations of the rule of law. Throughout 2009, heavily armed soldiers carried out frequent abuses against ordinary Guineans and businesspeople, including theft, extortion, and intimidation of the judiciary. 

Upon taking power, Dadis Camara quickly suspended the country’s constitution, dissolved the government, and declared a ban on political and union activity.  
The new leader initially proposed to hold elections by December 2010, but later, under international pressure, pledged to hold elections in 2009, in which neither he nor any CNDD member would run, and to relinquish control to a civilian-led government, earning him the support of much of the Guinean population.
However, few concrete steps to organize elections were taken, and throughout 2009 the CNDD government increasingly restricted freedoms of political expression and assembly. Attempts by opposition parties to campaign ahead of planned presidential elections were repeatedly met with intimidation and attacks by the government. At various times throughout the year, Dadis Camara lifted and reinstated a ban on political and union activity. In response to heightened criticism from the Guinean public, in August he imposed a ban on mobile phone text-messaging and in September a ban on political discussions on radio talk shows.

Opponents of the military regime, which include unions, civil society leaders, and all of
Guinea’s major political parties … banded together to form the umbrella Forum of the Forces Vives of Guinea (Forum des Forces Vives de Guinée).  In March the Force Vives presented the CNDD with a timetable for election preparations, with a view toward holding legislative elections in October and presidential elections by December 2009.

Dadis Camara, … Although he stopped short of declaring his own candidacy, Camara back-tracked on earlier commitments, stating that any member of the CNDD should be “free to put forward their candidacy for the national election if they so desire.” This was widely interpreted by Guineans as meaning that the military leader fully intended to run.  
Guinea’s opposition viewed Dadis Camara’s presumed candidacy as a spoiler for the election’s credibility, and responded by planning demonstrations of varying sizes across the country. By the end of September, momentum toward mass demonstrations had reached a tipping point, with actions planned by the Forces Vives.

The Forces Vives decided to hold a major rally on September 28, 2009, a date deliberately chosen because of its historical significance in Guinea.  On September 28, 1958, France carried out a referendum in its colonies, giving them the choice between immediate independence and remaining a French colony. Guinea was the only French colony to vote “No” and gained its independence days later, on October 2, 1958. Guineans consider September 28, 1958, the day when Guinea stood united for the country’s independence.
The stadium in Conakry where the demonstration was to take place is named the September 28 Stadium.
The Forces Vives leaders called for a major opposition rally on this date for two reasons: first,
to show the extent of their support among the population, refuting CNDD President Dadis
Camara’s claim that the Forces Vives “do not represent anything”; and second, to
challenge Dadis Camara’s presumed candidacy in the elections planned for January 2010,
which the opposition leaders hoped would return Guinea to civilian rule.

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basically in transition from military rule to democracy 

Guinea: A Nation at the Crossroads


Guinea: A Nation at the Crossroads
Political Will Needed to Reverse Legacy of Abuse, Impunity,  MAY 24, 2011

(Conakry) - President Alpha Condé, who took power in December 2010, should address the profound human rights and governance problems that have underscored decades of abuse in Guinea, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The report identifies the main factors that have contributed to years of impunity and recommends steps Guinea should take to promote good governance and to end the history of abuse.

The 68-page report, "We Have Lived in Darkness: A Human Rights Agenda for Guinea's New Government," calls on the government to bring to justice those responsible for massacres in 2007 and 2009.  It says that the government should strengthen the judiciary and provide it with adequate resources, rein in and reform the security sector, and ensure that Guinea's population can benefit from the country's abundant natural resources.  Human Rights Watch also recommended establishing (1) a truth commission to uncover the causes of Guinea's violent past and (2) an anti-corruption commission to end the misuse of its wealth.

"Guinea's future hangs in the balance," said Corinne Dufka, senior West Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. "President Condé's actions - or inactions - will either create a positive new human rights trajectory or trap Guinea in the excesses and abuses of the past."

The report is based on over 200 interviews with Guinean lawyers, judges, and Justice Ministry personnel; victims of and witnesses to human rights crimes; detained and convicted prisoners; members of the army, gendarmerie, and police force; Finance Ministry personnel and businesspeople; members of civil society and others. One man interviewed for the report summed up the urgency for improving human rights as follows:

For 52 long years, the people of Guinea have really suffered from the effects of impunity and corruption.  We have lived in darkness - no electricity, no water, no opportunities for our children. Those in power have ruined the lives of generation after generation. The families who lost their sons and daughters during the Sékou Touré time, then in 2007, and again in 2009, have yet to finish crying. Those who have done this to us, to our country, must know that they can't continue on as before.

A History of State-Sponsored Abuses

Since independence from France in 1958, Guinea's rulers - Ahmed Sékou Touré (1958-1984), Lansana Conté (1984-2008), and Captain Moussa Dadis Camara (2008-2009) - have relied on ruling party militias and security forces to intimidate and violently repress independent voices.   Thousands of Guineans who dared to oppose the government have been tortured, starved, beaten to death by state security forces, or executed in police custody and military barracks.   All three leaders failed to investigate and bring to justice members of the security forces implicated in serious crimes.
"Guinea's history of impunity for very serious crimes has emboldened successive generations of human rights abusers," Dufka said. "Dismantling this architecture and culture of impunity and building a society based on the rule of law is the single biggest and most important challenge facing President Condé's new administration."

Strengthen the Judiciary

President Condé's new administration should take immediate steps to reform Guinea's chronically underfunded judiciary and to give it the support it needs, Human Rights Watch said. The marginalization, neglect, and manipulation of the judiciary have led to striking deficiencies in the sector.

Judges, lawyers, legal clerks, and correction workers interviewed for this report said the funding they have to conduct judicial investigations, or even to staff, supply, and run their offices is grossly inadequate.  Some said they did not have enough funding to feed and provide basic care for prisoners, or to transport them to court. An estimated 80 to 90 percent of inmates in detention in Guinea's largest prison have not been brought before a judge or convicted. Many have been held for more than five years without trial.

Create a Truth-Telling Mechanism

Human Rights Watch urges the government to establish a truth-telling mechanism to illuminate underexposed atrocities, notably those committed during the reign of Sékou Touré, to explore the dynamics that gave rise to and sustained successive repressive regimes, and to make recommendations to prevent their recurrence.

Reform the Security System

Condé has inherited a security sector steeped in a culture of unprofessionalism and indiscipline. Soldiers and policemen implicated in extortion, banditry, theft, kidnapping, racketeering, and excessive use of lethal force have enjoyed near-complete impunity. The rapid growth of the army in combination with the lack of political will to ensure discipline and accountability have contributed to the years of abuses by the security forces

"Behaving more as predators than protectors, men in uniform have been allowed to get away with abuses ranging from isolated criminal acts to crimes against humanity," said Dufka.
Human Rights Watch calls on the government to adopt a zero-tolerance policy for abuses; to investigate, prosecute, and punish abusers; and to implement a credible road map to reform formulated by the UN and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

Root Out Corruption

Human Rights Watch also calls on the new government to combat endemic corruption, which has for decades impeded Guineans' rights to basic health care, education, and other socio-economic rights. Despite hosting one of the world's largest reserves of bauxite, and other valuable minerals, Guinea remains one of the world's poorest countries - ranked 156th out of 169 on the UN Human Development Index. Guineans also suffer some of the world's worst quality-of-life indicators, including adult literacy and infant mortality.

To remedy these deficiencies, Human Rights Watch urges the government, with strong donor agency support, to provide stringent, transparent oversight over the state budgetary process and natural resource contracts, and establish an independent anti-corruption commission empowered to investigate, subpoena, and indict those who siphon off public resources.

Sustaining Legitimacy

Lastly, in order to ensure effective oversight of the executive and provide for political representation of the Guinean people, Human Rights Watch pressed Condé to set out a concrete timetable for legislative elections and ensure that the elections are conducted in a free, fair, and transparent manner. He must also take concrete steps to address the lack of political neutrality and unprofessional conduct demonstrated by the security forces during the elections which brought him to power.

"Guinea's profound human rights problems - endemic corruption, a culture of impunity, weak rule of law and crushing poverty - have blighted the lives and livelihoods of countless Guineans," Dufka said. "In order to break this cycle of abuse and sustain the momentum generated by the elections, the government must take immediate, practical steps to confront these challenges."

Guinea: court action, but when?
Published on : 10 May 2011 - 1:08pm | By International Justice Tribune (RNW)

A few months from now, Guineans will hold a sombre commemoration: on the 28th of September 2009, soldiers, militias and mercenaries went on the rampage in the capital’s main stadium.
By Bram Posthumus, Conakry

They killed 157 people and raped dozens of women. The victims and survivors of that mass crime are beginning to ask when justice will be their due.

Even for Guineans who are used to an army that is out-of-control, it was a scene they will never forget. They had seen the army opening fire on unarmed civilians before but the scene of women being raped in broad daylight in Conakry’s stadium was beyond shocking.

September 28, 1958 and 2009

September 28th is a significant date. In 1958, when Guinea rejected French colonial rule, it was the day they chose to live independently and with pride, recalling the famous phrase used by their first president Ahmed Sékou Touré, when he addressed visiting French president Charles de Gaulle, prior to the referendum: “we prefer poverty with freedom to a life of opulence in slavery.”

Ahmed Sékou Touré himself brought tyranny to the nation, keeping the population in a state of constant fear by referring to a “permanent conspiracy” to which Guinea was subjected.  When he died in 1984, around 50,000 people had lost their lives in one of his concentration camps and up to three million had left the country.

His successor, Lansana Conté, allowed the army to disintegrate and lose its way.  In January 2007, amid a nationwide strike, soldiers opened fire on a civilian demonstration, killing more than 150. One of the commanders of that massacre was the president’s son, Ousmane Conté, also a notorious cocaine dealer. He has served time in jail for his drugs trade – never for his more serious crimes. He is still in the army.

Impunity of main culprits

Running through all this is the thread of impunity. And the fear is that those who perpetrated the stadium massacre on September 28th, 2009, will remain unpunished as well. Two of the main culprits are outside the country.

First, captain Moussa Dadis Camara, who became Guinea’s third president when he took over after Lansana Conté died.  At the time of the mass crime in the stadium, he was the head of state and politically responsible.  He told French Africa magazine Matalana in January he was hoping that the real culprits would be named – if not, God would name them.

The other main suspect is Lieutenant Aboubacar ‘Toumba’ Diakité.  It was he who shot Captain Camara in the head during an argument about who should take responsibility.  He told French radio earlier this year that he was ready to face justice.

Constant ICC-visits, but no action

What sparked that argument was the announcement by the ICC that it was investigating the massacre.  Since then, visits of ICC delegations have been multiplying, much to the chagrin of Boussouriou Diallo, a witness at the September 28 events and spokesman for Avipa09, the Association of the Victims, their Parents and Friends of September 28, set up in 2009.

“We want to see an end to these constant visits,’ he says, ‘and some concrete action taken.’ He is unhappy about the fact that when an ICC delegation visits, they talk separately with the victims, the government and the three Guinean judges appointed to treat the case. ‘We have made it clear from the start: we have no confidence in the judicial system here. The trial should take place in The Hague. Now the ICC keeps saying that it wants to give the Guinean judicial system a chance but our position is clear. No-one will dare testify if a trial is to be held in Guinea. The military is everywhere, there will be reprisals.”

No confidence in Guinean justice system

Past impunity does not inspire confidence in the Guinean justice system, as it requires a wholesale reform exercise. A brief report on a March conference about judicial reform gave a little insight into how rotten that system is.  Its independence is non-existent. Magistrates work out of deserted warehouses and at times sessions are even held in open air, under a tree. The system is corrupt at all levels.  If you have no money and connections, do not bother taking a case to court’” advises Diallo, adding, “the entire judicial system gets 0.2% of the national budget.  So it cannot function.  And there is another issue. The term “crime against humanity” does not exist in the Guinean Penal Code.’  In other words: there is no legal term for the type of crime for which Diallo and his fellow victims want to put individuals on trial. No wonder they want the trial outside Guinea.

List of demands

No more visits and a concrete date for a start of proceedings in The Hague. That is the very short list of demands of the victims of September 28. Diallo and his associates do not understand why it takes so long for the ICC to proceed. “We are beginning to believe there is no political will. The pressure must be kept up, especially through the European Union, so that we don’t have to wait too long for justice.”’

Disturbing parallel

A disturbing parallel appears to emerge: a former head of state in exile, crimes committed on his watch, a long wait for justice...  While in this case it is not a country but the ICC itself that seems to drag its feet, the case of former Chadian dictator Hissène Habré begins to feel uneasily familiar. When confronting Diallo with the parallel he concurred: ‘Precisely. This is our fear. But we are not giving up.’

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Brief history
 independence from France in 1958,
  Guinea's rulers - Ahmed Sékou Touré (1958-1984), Lansana Conté (1984-2008), and Captain Moussa Dadis Camara (2008-2009)
  All three leaders failed to bring to justice ruling party militias and security forces involved in serious crimes, notably massacre in 2007 and in 2009  
  two major problems – (1) impunity and (2) corruption (resource curse)  
  President Alpha Condé took office in Dec. 2010 ; Guinea at the crossroads either (i) creating a new human rights trajectory or (ii) trap Guinea in the excesses and abuses of the past

Problems
Guinea’s chronically under-funded judiciary
A truth-telling mechanism ( fact-finding )
Soldiers and policemen behave more as predators than protectors – ECOWAS
Endemic corruption – hosting one of the world’s largest reserves of bauxite and other valuable minerals
Political reform – including, legislative election

Chronology
  On September 28, 1958, independence from French colonialism ; first president Ahmed Sékou Touré ; when he died, about 50,000 had died on concentration camps  
  his successor, Lansana Conté (1984-2008), fire on a civilian demonstration amid a nationwide strike, killing more than 150 ; his son with impunity  
  Guinea’s third president, Captain Moussa Dadis Camara (2008-2009), On September 28, 2009, soldiers, militias and mercenaries went on the rampage in the capital’s main stadium ; 157 were killed, dozens of women raped
  constant ICC’s visit, but no action  
  a former head of state in exile ; the case of former Chadian dictator Hissène Habré