Showing posts with label U.N.. Show all posts
Showing posts with label U.N.. Show all posts

Putin’s U.N. General Assembly speech

Read Putin’s U.N. General Assembly speech

By Washington Post,  September 28
https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2015/09/28/read-putins-u-n-general-assembly-speech/

Russian President Vladimir Putin addressed the U.N. General Assembly on Monday and said the West was making an "enormous mistake" by not cooperating with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in the fight against the Islamic State militant group. Here is the full text of his remarks.

PUTIN (THROUGH INTERPRETER): Your excellency Mr. President, your excellency Mr. Secretary General, distinguished heads of state and government, ladies and gentlemen, the 70th anniversary of the United Nations is a good occasion to both take stock of history and talk about our common future.

In 1945, the countries that defeated Nazism joined their efforts to lay solid foundations for the postwar world order.

But I remind you that the key decisions on the principles guiding the cooperation among states, as well as on the establishment of the United Nations, were made in our country, in Yalta, at the meeting of the anti-Hitler coalition leaders.

The Yalta system was actually born in travail. It was won at the cost of tens of millions of lives and two world wars.

This swept through the planet in the 20th century.

Let us be fair. It helped humanity through turbulent, at times dramatic, events of the last seven decades. It saved the world from large-scale upheavals.

The United Nations is unique in its legitimacy, representation and universality. It is true that lately the U.N. has been widely criticized for supposedly not being efficient enough, and for the fact that the decision-making on fundamental issues stalls due to insurmountable differences, first of all, among the members of the Security Council.

However, I'd like to point out there have always been differences in the U.N. throughout all these 70 years of existence. The veto right has always been exercised by the United States, the United Kingdom, France, China, the Soviet Union and Russia later, alike. It is absolutely natural for so diverse and representative an organization.

When the U.N. was established, its founders did not in the least think that there would always be unanimity. The mission of the organization is to seek and reach compromises, and its strength comes from taking different views and opinions into consideration. Decisions debated within the U.N. are either taken as resolutions or not. As diplomats say, they either pass or do not pass.

Whatever actions any state might take bypassing this procedure are illegitimate. They run counter to the charter and defy international law. We all know that after the end of the Cold War — everyone is aware of that — a single center of domination emerged in the world, and then those who found themselves at the top of the pyramid were tempted to think that if they were strong and exceptional, they knew better and they did not have to reckon with the U.N., which, instead of [acting to] automatically authorize and legitimize the necessary decisions, often creates obstacles or, in other words, stands in the way.

It has now become commonplace to see that in its original form, it has become obsolete and completed its historical mission. Of course, the world is changing and the U.N. must be consistent with this natural transformation. Russia stands ready to work together with its partners on the basis of full consensus, but we consider the attempts to undermine the legitimacy of the United Nations as extremely dangerous. They could lead to a collapse of the entire architecture of international organizations, and then indeed there would be no other rules left but the rule of force.

We would get a world dominated by selfishness rather than collective work, a world increasingly characterized by dictate rather than equality. There would be less of a chain of democracy and freedom, and that would be a world where true independent states would be replaced by an ever-growing number of de facto protectorates and externally controlled territories.

What is the state sovereignty, after all, that has been mentioned by our colleagues here? It is basically about freedom and the right to choose freely one's own future for every person, nation and state. By the way, dear colleagues, the same holds true of the question of the so-called legitimacy of state authority. One should not play with or manipulate words.

Every term in international law and international affairs should be clear, transparent and have uniformly understood criteria. We are all different, and we should respect that. No one has to conform to a single development model that someone has once and for all recognized as the only right one. We should all remember what our past has taught us.

We also remember certain episodes from the history of the Soviet Union. Social experiments for export, attempts to push for changes within other countries based on ideological preferences, often led to tragic consequences and to degradation rather than progress.

It seemed, however, that far from learning from others' mistakes, everyone just keeps repeating them, and so the export of revolutions, this time of so-called democratic ones, continues. It would suffice to look at the situation in the Middle East and North Africa, as has been mentioned by previous speakers. Certainly political and social problems in this region have been piling up for a long time, and people there wish for changes naturally.

But how did it actually turn out? Rather than bringing about reforms, an aggressive foreign interference has resulted in a brazen destruction of national institutions and the lifestyle itself. Instead of the triumph of democracy and progress, we got violence, poverty and social disaster. Nobody cares a bit about human rights, including the right to life.

I cannot help asking those who have caused the situation, do you realize now what you've done? But I am afraid no one is going to answer that. Indeed, policies based on self-conceit and belief in one's exceptionality and impunity have never been abandoned.

It is now obvious that the power vacuum created in some countries of the Middle East and North Africa through the emergence of anarchy areas,  which immediately started to be filled with extremists and terrorists.

Tens of thousands of militants are fighting under the banners of the so-called Islamic State. Its ranks include former Iraqi servicemen who were thrown out into the street after the invasion of Iraq in 2003. Many recruits also come from Libya, a country whose statehood was destroyed as a result of a gross violation of the U.N. Security Council Resolution 1973. And now, the ranks of radicals are being joined by the members of the so-called moderate Syrian opposition supported by the Western countries

First, they are armed and trained and then they defect to the so-called Islamic State. Besides, the Islamic State itself did not just come from nowhere. It was also initially forged as a tool against undesirable secular regimes.

Having established a foothold in Iraq and Syria, the Islamic State has begun actively expanding to other regions. It is seeking dominance in the Islamic world. And not only there, and its plans go further than that. The situation is more than dangerous.

In these circumstances, it is hypocritical and irresponsible to make loud declarations about the threat of international terrorism while turning a blind eye to the channels of financing and supporting terrorists, including the process of trafficking and illicit trade in oil and arms. It would be equally irresponsible to try to manipulate extremist groups and place them at one's service in order to achieve one's own political goals in the hope of later dealing with them or, in other words, liquidating them.

To those who do so, I would like to say — dear sirs, no doubt you are dealing with rough and cruel people, but they're in no way primitive or silly. They are just as clever as you are, and you never know who is manipulating whom. And the recent data on arms transferred to this most moderate opposition is the best proof of it.

We believe that any attempts to play games with terrorists, let alone to arm them, are not just short-sighted, but fire hazardous (ph). This may result in the global terrorist threat increasing dramatically and engulfing new regions, especially given that Islamic State camps train militants from many countries, including the European countries.

Unfortunately, dear colleagues, I have to put it frankly: Russia is not an exception. We cannot allow these criminals who already tasted blood to return back home and continue their evil doings. No one wants this to happen, does he?

Russia has always been consistently fighting against terrorism in all its forms. Today, we provide military and technical assistance both to Iraq and Syria and many other countries of the region who are fighting terrorist groups.

We think it is an enormous mistake to refuse to cooperate with the Syrian government and its armed forces, who are valiantly fighting terrorism face to face. We should finally acknowledge that no one but President Assad's armed forces and Kurds (ph) militias are truly fighting the Islamic State and other terrorist organizations in Syria.

We know about all the problems and contradictions in the region, but which were (ph) based on the reality.

Dear colleagues, I must note that such an honest and frank approach of Russia has been recently used as a pretext to accuse it of its growing ambitions, as if those who say it have no ambitions at all.

However, it's not about Russia's ambitions, dear colleagues, but about the recognition of the fact that we can no longer tolerate the current state of affairs in the world. What we actually propose is to be guided by common values and common interests, rather than ambitions.

On the basis of international law, we must join efforts to address the problems that all of us are facing and create a genuinely broad international coalition against terrorism.

Similar to the anti-Hitler coalition, it could unite a broad range of forces that are resolutely resisting those who, just like the Nazis, sow evil and hatred of humankind. And, naturally, the Muslim countries are to play a key role in the coalition, even more so because the Islamic State does not only pose a direct threat to them, but also desecrates one of the greatest world religions by its bloody crimes.

The ideologists (ph) of militants make a mockery of Islam and pervert its true humanistic (ph) values. I would like to address Muslim spiritual leaders, as well. Your authority and your guidance are of great importance right now.

It is essential to prevent people recruited by militants from making hasty decisions and those who have already been deceived, and who, due to various circumstances found themselves among terrorists, need help in finding a way back to normal life, laying down arms, and putting an end to fratricide.

Russia will shortly convene, as the (ph) current president of the Security Council, a ministerial meeting to carry out a comprehensive analysis of threats in the Middle East.

First of all, we propose discussing whether it is possible to agree on a resolution aimed at coordinating the actions of all the forces that confront the Islamic State and other terrorist organizations. Once again, this coordination should be based on the principles of the U.N. Charter.

We hope that the international community will be able to develop a comprehensive strategy of political stabilization, as well as social and economic recovery, of the Middle East.

Then, dear friends, there would be no need for new refugee camps. Today, the flow of people who were forced to leave their homeland has literally engulfed first neighboring countries and then Europe itself. There were hundreds of thousands of them now, and there might be millions before long. In fact, it is a new great and tragic migration of peoples, and it is a harsh lesson for all of us, including Europe.

I would like to stress refugees undoubtedly need our compassion and support. However, the — on the way to solve this problem at a fundamental level is to restore their statehood where it has been destroyed, to strengthen the government institutions where they still exist or are being reestablished, to provide comprehensive assistance of military, economic and material nature to countries in a difficult situation. And certainly, to those people who, despite all the ordeals, will not abandon their homes. Literally, any assistance to sovereign states can and must be offered rather than imposed exclusively and solely in accordance with the U.N. Charter.

In other words, everything in this field that has been done or will be done pursuant to the norms of international law must be supported by our organization. Everything that contravenes the U.N. Charter must be rejected. Above all, I believe it is of the utmost importance to help restore government's institutions in Libya, support the new government of Iraq and provide comprehensive assistance to the legitimate government of Syria.

Dear colleagues, ensuring peace and regional and global stability remains the key objective of the international community with the U.N. at its helm. We believe this means creating a space of equal and indivisible security, which is not for the select few but for everyone. Yet, it is a challenge and complicated and time-consuming task, but there is simply no other alternative. However, the bloc thinking of the times of the Cold War and the desire to explore new geopolitical areas is still present among some of our colleagues.

First, they continue their policy of expanding NATO. What for? If the Warsaw Bloc stopped its existence, the Soviet Union have collapsed (ph) and, nevertheless, the NATO continues expanding as well as its military infrastructure. Then they offered the poor Soviet countries a false choice: either to be with the West or with the East. Sooner or later, this logic of confrontation was bound to spark off a grave geopolitical crisis. This is exactly what happened in Ukraine, where the discontent of population with the current authorities was used and the military coup was orchestrated from outside — that triggered a civil war as a result.

We're confident that only through full and faithful implementation of the Minsk agreements of February 12th, 2015, can we put an end to the bloodshed and find a way out of the deadlock. Ukraine's territorial integrity cannot be ensured by threat of force and force of arms. What is needed is a genuine consideration for the interests and rights of the people in the Donbas region and respect for their choice. There is a need to coordinate with them as provided for by the Minsk agreements, the key elements of the country's political structure. These steps will guarantee that Ukraine will develop as a civilized society, as an essential link and building a common space of security and economic cooperation, both in Europe and in Eurasia.

Ladies and gentlemen, I have mentioned these common space of economic cooperation on purpose. Not long ago, it seemed that in the economic sphere, with its objective market loss, we would launch a leaf (ph) without dividing lines. We would build on transparent and jointly formulated rules, including the WTO principles, stipulating the freedom of trade, and investment and open competition.

Nevertheless, today, unilateral sanctions circumventing the U.N. Charter have become commonplace, in addition to pursuing political objectives. The sanctions serve as a means of eliminating competitors.

I would like to point out another sign of a growing economic selfishness. Some countries [have] chosen to create closed economic associations, with the establishment being negotiated behind the scenes, in secret from those countries' own citizens, the general public, business community and from other countries.

Other states whose interests may be affected are not informed of anything, either. It seems that we are about to be faced with an accomplished fact that the rules of the game have been changed in favor of a narrow group of the privileged, with the WTO having no say. This could unbalance the trade system completely and disintegrate the global economic space.

These issues affect the interest of all states and influence the future of the world economy as a whole. That is why we propose discussing them within the U.N. WTO NGO (ph) '20.

Contrary to the policy of exclusiveness, Russia proposes harmonizing original economic projects. I refer to the so-called integration of integrations based on universal and transparent rules of international trade. As an example, I would like to cite our plans to interconnect the Eurasian economic union, and China's initiative of the Silk Road economic belt.

We still believe that harmonizing the integration processes within the Eurasian Economic Union and the European Union is highly promising.

Ladies and gentlemen, the issues that affect the future of all people include the challenge of global climate change. It is in our interest to make the U.N. Climate Change Conference to be held in December in Paris a success.

As part of our national contribution, we plan to reduce by 2030 the greenhouse emissions to 70, 75 percent of the 1990 level.

I suggest, however, we should take a wider view on this issue. Yes, we might defuse the problem for a while, by setting quotas on harmful emissions or by taking other measures that are nothing but tactical. But we will not solve it that way. We need a completely different approach.

We have to focus on introducing fundamental and new technologies inspired by nature, which would not damage the environment, but would be in harmony with it. Also, that would allow us to restore the balance upset by biosphere and technosphere (ph) upset by human activities.

It is indeed a challenge of planetary scope, but I'm confident that humankind has intellectual potential to address it. We need to join our efforts. I refer, first of all, to the states that have a solid research basis and have made significant advances in fundamental science.

We propose convening a special forum under the U.N. auspices for a comprehensive consideration of the issues related to the depletion of natural resources, destruction of habitat and climate change.

Russia would be ready to co-sponsor such a forum.

Ladies and gentlemen, colleagues, it was on the 10th of January, 1946, in London that the U.N. General Assembly gathered for its first session.

Mr. Suleta (ph) (inaudible), a Colombian diplomat and the chairman of the Preparatory Commission, opened the session by giving, I believe, a concise definition of the basic principles that the U.N. should follow in its activities, which are free will, defiance of scheming and trickery and spirit of cooperation.

Today, his words sound as a guidance for all of us. Russia believes in the huge potential of the United Nations, which should help us avoid a new global confrontation and engage in strategic cooperation. Together with other countries, we will consistently work towards strengthening the central coordinating role of the U.N. I'm confident that by working together, we will make the world stable and safe, as well as provide conditions for the development of all states and nations.

Thank you.

(APPLAUSE)


END

Haiti Cholera Battle Against UN Moves to US Court

Haiti Cholera Battle Against UN Moves to US Court
by Kristen Boon

After receiving a staunch “no” from the UN earlier this year, lawyers for Haiti Cholera victims filed a class action lawsuit in the Southern District of New York today.  The complaint is available here.   The complaint seeks certification of a class that is composed of cholera victims who are Haitian and US citizens. The basis of the class action is that the plaintiffs have a right to a remedy under Haitian tort law, and includes a request for relief on the basis of wrongful death, and infliction of emotional harm.  Moreover, in reference to international law, the plaintiffs assert:

Defendants UN and MINUSTAH have well-established legal obligations to provide redress to victims of harm caused by acts or omissions attributable to the Defendants, which includes the members of the proposed Class. The Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the UN of 1946 (“CPIUN”) expressly requires Defendant UN to provide appropriate modes of settlement for third-party private law claims. The Status of Forces Agreement (“SOFA”) signed between Defendant UN and the Government of Haiti expressly requires the UN to establish a standing claims.

To date, the UN has denied legal responsibility on the basis of Article 29 of the Convention on Privileges and Immunities stating that the claim is not receivable.  Presumably, the justification is that this is a public rather than a private law claim, although the UN’s response did not spell this out, as I discussed in an earlier blog here.  What the UN has focussed on instead is a fund for improved sanitation and water infrastructure.

Pressure on the UN has mounted.  On Tuesday, the UN High Commission for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, urged the UN to compensate the victims, although she did not state where that money should come from. An important report produced this summer by students and professors at the Yale Law School Transnational Clinic has also called for compensation.   In addition, the UN Independent Panel of Experts convened in 2011 to investigate the source of cholera in Haiti published a new academic article this summer that concluded that MINUSTAH was the most likely source of cholera in Haiti.  The precise language they use is:

“The preponderance of the evidence and the weight of the circumstantial evidence does lead to the conclusion that personnel associated with the Mirebalais MINUSTAH facility were the most likely source of introduction of cholera into Haiti.”

Even Haiti, conspicuously silent about the potential responsibility of the UN for this outbreak, changed its tune at the recent General Assembly meetings and where its Prime Minister argued that the UN has moral responsibility for the outbreak.


The complaint deals only briefly with the question of privileges and immunities, which is likely to be the UN’s first defense.  As I noted in this blog, this will be an obstacle the plaintiffs are unlikely to surmount.  Nonetheless, I suspect the lawyers are seeking a different kind of victory here.  They are exposing the limits of the UN’s internal justice system, forcing the public to focus on the disastrous health consequences of the cholera epidemic in Haiti, and highlighting the accountability gap that has emerged in light of the refusal to establish a claims commission.

Canada withdraws from UN convention combating African drought


Canada withdraws from UN convention combating African drought
Keith Herting   Thursday, March 28, 2013
[JURIST] The Canadian government announced Wednesday that it is withdrawing from a UN convention intended to fight droughts in Africa. Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper[official website] claimed [CTV report] the move was necessarily as the convention was "too bureaucratic" and that only one fifth of the CAN $350,000 contributed to the convention actually was used for programming. Canada becomes the only UN member state that is not a member of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) [official website]. The move to drop out of the UNCCD had actually occurred last week without any public acknowledgement until Wednesday. The UNCCD has been in effect since 1996 and is working to "forge a global partnership to reverse and prevent desertification/land degradation and to mitigate the effects of drought in affected areas in order to support poverty reduction and environmental sustainability."

The decision to drop out of the UNCCD has cast additional attention on Canada's environmental record. In 2011 Canada was the first nation to withdraw [JURST report] from the Kyoto Protocol [text; JURIST news archive] on climate change. The decision to drop out of Kyoto was five years after they were subject to a series of lawsuits [JURIST report] for their failure to comply with the standards imposed by Kyoto.

speech by Susan Rice at USUN


Remarks by Ambassador Susan E. Rice, U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations, At Howard University's 145th Convocation, September 28, 2012
Susan E. Rice
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations
U.S. Mission to the United Nations
Washington, DC
September 28, 2012

AS PREPARED

Good morning, everyone! Thank you for that warm welcome. Thank you, Chairman Rand, for your kind introduction and, especially, for your service to Howard and to America’s seniors. Reverend Richardson, we are grateful for your moving invocation. And, President Ribeau, we salute you for all you do to make the great and historic Howard University ever greater.

I’m thrilled to be here —both for the honor of addressing Howard’s 145th Convocation and for the honor of being made a Doctor of Laws. I must admit that feels pretty good: the school year has barely started, and I’ve already graduated.

I now join the ranks of my other family members who have proudly received accolades from Howard. The difference is, they earned theirs -- my Uncle Leon A. Dickson, Howard Medical School Class of ‘39, and my cousins, Carolyn Whitfield Broome, now Associate Professor of Biochemistry, and Leon Dickson Jr., Associate Professor of Biology.

This is a big day for the whole Howard community — but it’s a particularly important day for the outstanding young men and women of the Class of 2016. So, let me begin by congratulating the freshmen for making it to Howard and for all that you will contribute long after your Howard experience.

With your arrival on campus and now formally with this Convocation, you are part of the Howard tradition of leadership and excellence. That means living up to some very high standards. Because, as Scripture tells us, “For unto whomever much is given, of him shall be much required: and to whom men have committed much, of him they will ask the more.” So, remember: with Howard’s tremendous opportunities come real responsibilities. Those who have a higher education also have a higher obligation—to give back and help keep America strong.

To compete and lead in our rapidly changing, interconnected world, American needs universities like Howard and exceptional students like you. In 2007, President Obama, then Senator Obama, spoke in Selma about the transition between generations. He began with what he called the Moses generation—the great civil rights generation that ripped down the barbed and twisted structure of Jim Crow, the generation that parted the waters and marched out of Egypt.

In my own family, that legacy of oppression overcome weighed on my late father, Emmett Rice. He was a brilliant, proud man—an economics professor, a senior official at the Treasury Department and the World Bank, and a Governor of the Federal Reserve Board. But his life of service came despite ferocious odds. My dad grew up between the wars in segregated South Carolina, and he never forgot the sting of separate and unequal. He served our country proudly in World War II, as an officer with the Tuskegee Airmen, but he forever resented the irony and inequity of fighting for freedom in a stubbornly segregated military. Dad had to learn to believe in himself by himself, to dismiss the taunting message of Jim Crow that he was somehow less of a man. He overcame that trauma—but he never forgot that he had to endure it. Throughout his career, Dad sought to lift up others so they could seize the opportunities he was almost denied.

In 1912, my mother’s parents emigrated from Jamaica to Portland, Maine. With little formal education, my grandfather took the best job he could get—as a janitor. My grandmother was a maid and a seamstress. But my grandparents managed to scrap and save to send all five of their children to college -- four sons to Bowdoin and my mom, Lois, to Harvard-Radcliffe where she was student government president. Mom, in turn, devoted her distinguished career to making higher education more accessible to all.

I am here today because of these profoundly American stories of struggle and success. I wish my grandfather could have imagined, as he bent over his broom, that his granddaughter would someday serve in the cabinet of the first African-American President of the United States. For President Obama and I come from the next generation—what the President calls the Joshua generation. Our generation didn’t just look out over Canaan. We crossed the river and entered the Promised Land. We are working, as Dr. King put it, to redeem the promissory note from the architects of our republic.

That is a profound shift. Despite all his achievements, my father never stopped believing that segregation had kept him from being all he could be. He was determined, above all, that his children not bear that same psychological baggage. And, thankfully, we did not. Between generations, after the dogs of Birmingham and the buses of Montgomery, America changed. For my brother and me, for the President and First Lady, we of the Joshua generation came of age believing the old limits didn’t apply. New doors were open. And, we’ve seen African-Americans become secretary of state, chairman of the Joint Chiefs, attorney general, Fortune 500 CEOs, Supreme Court justices, astronauts and, of course, President of the United States. And as you well know, many of these trailblazers are proud Howard alumni.

Today, nothing is impossible. When I look at you all, I see yet another generation, bursting with confidence and promise. I see the generation after Joshua. If the Moses generation was about breaking the chains of Egypt, and if the Joshua generation was about crossing over Jordan, then your generation is about thriving in the Promised Land. It’s about finding your own way on the soil your grandparents only dreamed of walking—about making your own path unburdened, as people for whom slavery and segregation are history, not a shackle or a scar.

So, what I have come here to ask is: what will you do? What will your generation contribute? How will you carry on the legacy of service to your country and your world?

In the Bible, after Joshua comes Judges. It’s a sprawling, challenging book about a time of great change, about the shift from revolution to evolution, about the struggles for justice and opportunity that follow the struggle for freedom. And perhaps that’s not a bad way of thinking about the country you’re going to inherit and lead.

The generation after Joshua, your generation, will confront challenges of governance and sovereignty—persistent inequality, stubborn poverty, unresolved conflicts – as well as new possibilities driven by technology and trade. A world where threats don’t stop at borders and education doesn’t stop at graduation.

At Gettysburg, President Lincoln demanded that we dedicate ourselves, and I quote, “to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.”

We’ve still got unfinished work to do to expand the reach of democracy, human rights and human dignity around the world. We’ve got unfinished work to do so long as terror threatens our people and our brave troops are risking their lives in Afghanistan to keep us all safe. We’ve got unfinished work to do when half of humanity lives on less than $2.50 a day. And we’ve got unfinished work to do when wars still rage and hatreds still smolder.

Truly, we’ve got unfinished work to do when American children go to sleep with rumbling stomachs and go to school in crumbling classrooms. We’ve got unfinished work to do when fellow citizens are still shackled by poverty or held back by bigotry. We’ve got unfinished work to do to recover from the worst economic crisis since the Depression. We’ve got unfinished work to do to help neighbors who’ve lost their homes and friends who’ve lost their jobs. We’ve got unfinished work to do to buttress the bonds of citizenship and ensure every American has the opportunity to fulfill their true potential.

So let us rededicate ourselves today to this great, unfinished work—to coming together to redeem our republic and to mend our imperfect world.

Yes, we’ve come far. We should be proud of what we’ve accomplished—but we cannot allow progress to become an alibi for apathy. Achievement can never become a pretext for selfishness. And success must never be an excuse for complacency. Nor can we look to the leadership of any one man or woman to substitute for the collective and individual responsibilities we must bear.

You are each here because this legendary American university sees a spark of potential in you. And, it’s your job to fan that flame so it warms us all. We need you to be everything you can—extraordinary young leaders, fired up with passion and patriotism, determined to be not just good students but great citizens.

To compete in a global marketplace and to lead in our complex world, we need you each to excel and to serve. We need you to become engineers and scientists who will cure modern-day plagues and save our warming planet. We need you to become lawyers and judges who will fortify our liberty in law. We need you to become business leaders who will create prosperity that works for all Americans. We need you to become innovators who will create not just new jobs but new industries. We need you to become doctors who will bring health to the hurting. We need you to become ministers who will give strength to suffering souls. We need you to become teachers and professors who will instill a love of citizenship and learning in the next generation. We need you to become journalists and activists – truth-tellers who hold our leaders accountable. We need you to become mayors and ambassadors, justices and governors—and presidents.

Freshmen, use your time at Howard to decide where your personal passion lies and how you can best fulfill your unique, God-given potential. Spend time trying to divine what success looks like to you and then work backwards. Figure out what skills and experiences you need to acquire while here at Howard in order to reach your goal down the road. If you want to be a civil engineer, go to Kenya with Howard’s Engineers without Borders and help design clean water systems. If you want to teach, spend an “Alternative Spring Break” helping adults in Detroit learn to read.

As you wrestle with how you might best contribute, I hope some of you will consider the course of the great Ralph Bunche. Bunche founded Howard’s Political Science Department, helped draft the UN Charter, and won the Nobel Prize for negotiating armistices between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Think about a career in diplomacy or development. Join the Foreign Service, master international law, or design a new vaccine to reduce preventable childhood death. In our 21st-century world, we need to draw on our unique diversity and our full national talent as we make the toughest decisions about America’s national security. If we don’t have everyone on the field—Americans of all faiths, creeds and colors — then we are competing with one hand tied behind our back. We are short-changing our potential and ceding our comparative advantage.

Whatever path you choose, set the bar high. It’s not enough just to reach a level or two beyond those who came before you. Even if you are the first in your family to go to college, don’t let your Howard degree become your greatest achievement. Just because you graduate from a great school, don’t think you’ve made it. Strive to accomplish something big that will leave a lasting impact on others.

And when you succeed, as I know you will, we need you to turn back, give back, and bring others up with you. As our tremendous First Lady recently said, “when you’ve worked hard, and done well, and walked through that doorway of opportunity, you do not slam it shut behind you. No, you reach back, and you give other folks the same chances that helped you succeed.”

Now, more than ever, we must understand that, as we tackle great challenges at home and abroad, we are all in this together. It’s not enough just to believe in yourself. You’ve got to believe in something bigger than yourselves. You have got to believe in each other. You have got to believe in our great country. You’ve got to understand that all of us are diminished when one of us falls behind. A few weeks ago, President Obama reminded us of that deeply American truth. He said: “We, the People, recognize that we have responsibilities as well as rights; that our destinies are bound together; that a freedom which asks only what’s in it for me, a freedom without a commitment to others, a freedom without love or charity or duty or patriotism, is unworthy of our founding ideals, and those who died in their defense.”

Progress depends on each of us and all of us. No one person, however talented, however visionary, can forge great change alone. Never forget: change does not just happen. Change comes when we, the people, demand it. Change comes when each and every one of us lifts our voices, organizes, registers and votes. Change comes when Americans from all stages of life and all ages of life unite in common cause. Change does not get handed down on a platter from above. Change boils up from below. Change comes when citizens decide they will not be denied.

You. Me. Him. Her. All of us.

I cannot wait to see what the generation after Joshua will do.

I know it will be worthy of you and of our ancestors.

Go tackle that unfinished work. Go forward with the great work of perfecting our union. Go forth and make the world safer, more just and more free.

Let’s finish what we started.

That’s the Howard way, and that’s the American way.

Thank you, and God bless you.

CAPMATCH - Post-Conflict Transitions to Peace



Press Conference
Department of Public Information • News and Media Division • New York

PRESS CONFERENCE ON LAUNCH OF CAPMATCH, UNITED NATIONS ONLINE PLATFORM FOR EXCHANGING EXPERIENCES IN POST-CONFLICT TRANSITIONS

United Nations officials today launched an online platform for the exchange of information on expertise to support countries emerging from conflict in building institutions for inclusive governance, security, justice, jobs, economic growth and service delivery among other areas.  (See Press Release PKO/319 of 20 September.)

“It’s a simple way to get expertise that meets your needs,” said Sarah Cliffe, Special Adviser and Assistant Secretary-General for Civilian Capacities of the platform, known as CAPMATCH.  It provided a site for Government agencies and civil society organizations around the world to set out the kinds of experts they had available with “real, practical problem-solving experience”, to match global needs, she added.

Accompanied at the launch by Christopher Coleman, Director of the Civilian Capacities Project, and Shahrooz Badkoubei of the Civilian Capacities Office, Ms. Cliffe noted that in a wide range of country situations — from Liberia to Haiti to Côte d’Ivoire to Timor-Leste — there existed a broad range of needs for institution-building, a critical element in keeping countries from falling back into instability.

“The international community has not always been so good at providing that assistance,” she said.  The self-service, global nature of the site allowed countries to provide a wider range of expertise, from groups based both in countries that had partnered with others emerging from conflict, and those in countries that had themselves undertaken institution-building.  That was important because there was no single model for institutional transformation.  In addition, the participation of both Governments and civil society would provide the broadest experience available.

Projecting a page of CAPMATCH, Mr. Coleman and Mr. Badkoubei provided the example of a search for experts in “economic revitalization”.  On the site, Mr. Coleman said, one would come up with a variety of experts from Indonesia, as described by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with experience in coordinating capacity-building programmes in microfinance and support to small and medium-sized enterprises in places as diverse as Fiji and the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  In the same search, one would also pull up, among other things, expertise offered through the Government of Spain with experience in working with Governments to develop technical plans, for example, vocational centres targeting youth employment, and experts in development and capacity-building listed by the Norwegian Refugee Council.  Those facing gaps had a broad menu to pick from, he added.

In response to questions, Ms. Cliffe said that, although the site was generated by the United Nations, countries and civil society organizations would exchange information directly.  The Organization’s missions and country teams could use it as a source for partners, but would not process offers and needs, she added.  “We don’t expect the UN to be the bottleneck in those exchanges.”

Individual listings of available experts would not be featured on the site since such information changed quickly, she said, adding that it would be more viable to feature organizations and Governments that had available experts.

Mr. Coleman added that his office was still in touch with members of the Senior Advisory Group on Civilian Capacity, which had produced a study of the best ways to mobilize civilian capacity for post-conflict situations (document A/65/747-S/2011/85).  CAPMATCH could be seen as one of the outcomes of that endeavour, he said.

September 24, 2012

CAPMATCH: United Nations Invites Input from Governments and NGOs on Post-Conflict Transitions to Peace

The United Nations has launched an online platform that will allow countries to share their post-conflict transition experiences, and learn from policies and peacebuilding strategies put in place by nations who have undergone similar changes.  “Peacebuilding requires great flexibility, and approaches tailored to a given situation. Civilian capacities are crucially important, and we are taking steps to be able to deploy the right experts to the right place at the right time,” said Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in a news release on the platform, CAPMATCH.

Open to both government and non-government organizations, and part of the UN Civilian Capacities Initiative launched last year, CAPMATCH aims to capture diverse experiences, in particular from the global South, according to the Office of the UN Civilian Capacities Project.  The first participants include Indonesia, South Africa, Morocco, Brazil, Egypt, Benin, Kenya, Thailand and Nigeria – as well as organizations from Norway, Canada, Germany, the United Kingdom, Sweden and Switzerland, which maintain networks of skilled individuals from both North and South. 

The principle underlying the platform is one of equal partnership between countries, recognising that there is no single model for institution-building, and that countries may want to look at several different types of experience and adapt these to their own national contexts. Initial examples of how the platform is being used include Liberia requesting support in implementing its national capacity development strategy, Cote d’Ivoire offering to share its experience of its first post-conflict election process while also asking for further external exchanges to continue to build the functions of its independent electoral commission, and Timor- Leste offering its experience in public finances and oil revenue management, while also requesting expertise in vocational training and job creation.

“I believe CAPMATCH will make a real difference,” said the Special Adviser and Assistant Secretary-General for Civilian Capacities, Sarah Cliffe, in a news release. “I am delighted that such a broad range of Member States and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), two thirds of them from the global South, have already signed up. I encourage more government agencies and civil society organizations to take part – the broader the participation, the more useful CAPMATCH will be.” The UN is seeking to involve a wide range of partners, including government agencies with specialized sectoral experience, NGOs, and diaspora associations.
(UN Press Release)

a moment of silence at UNGA for Kim Jong Il



#UN Gen Assembly will observe moment of silence for #KimJong-Il at 3pm at #DPRK request. GA prez says it's protocol...
11:11 AM - 22 Dec 11

Security Council rejects #North Korea request for moment of silence for #KimJong-il (unlike UN Gen Assembly)
12:49 PM - 22 Dec 11 

Minute of silence for #KimJong-Il in a empty #UNGA. Delegates poured in after it was over... http://hpstm.tc/p/38gdn
2:23 PM - 22 Dec 11 

U.S. Underwhelmed With Emerging Powers At U.N.


U.S. Underwhelmed With Emerging Powers At U.N.
by MICHELE KELEMEN, September 17, 2011

It's the time of year when world leaders converge at the United Nations headquarters in New York. And this year, there will be a lot of talk about multilateral diplomacy — a priority for the Obama administration since it came to office.

Obama's team has courted the world's rising powers, even publicly backing India's hopes to one day be a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council. But now that India, along with South Africa and Brazil, have rotating seats on the council, U.S. officials and many human rights activists complain they're not living up to expectations.

Susan Rice, the U.S. ambassador to the U.N., says she's had a chance to get a close-up look at how those three countries have been acting on the world stage lately. She's not sounding particularly enthusiastic.

"This has been an opportunity for them to demonstrate how they might act if they were to obtain permanent membership, and for us to assess our level of enthusiasm about that," she says. "Let me just say we've learned a lot, and not all of it, frankly, encouraging."


'Extremely Disappointing'
Philippe Bolopion, who monitors the U.N. for Human Rights Watch, has also been keeping tabs on these countries and doesn't like what he sees, either — especially in the case of Syria.

"It is extremely disappointing, to say the least, to see that India, Brazil and South Africa, for example, are not more eager to get more Security Council action on Syria," he says. "Over 2,000 protesters, peaceful protesters, have been killed — and yet these countries are reluctant to apply any significant pressure on the Assad regime."

U.N. ambassadors from those three nations went to Syria to meet with officials in President Bashar Assad's government. While Bolopion says it made sense for them to try diplomacy, that effort has clearly failed. Still, he says, they don't seem eager to step up the pressure on Assad even now.

The same is true in the case of Sudan, he says, despite U.N. reports that the Sudanese air force has been bombing civilians in a region called Southern Kordofan.
"The U.N. has documented crimes against humanity, in some cases. U.N. peacekeepers have been subjected to mock executions. A U.N. contractor was even killed," Bolopion says. "And yet the Security Council did not say a single word, not even a statement, absolutely nothing. And of course, the Sudanese regime takes notice of that stuff."

That's a case where you might expect a big regional player like South Africa would want to take a lead, he says.

"Their inaction on key human rights issues is quite puzzling, because they do at home defend the very values we would hope to see them defend in the Security Council," Bolopion says.


Competing Interests
But there are a lot of big power politics at play at the United Nations, according to David Bosco, author of the book, Five to Rule Them All, a history of the Security Council. He says Brazil, India and South Africa have their own historical allies and see themselves as representing the developing world.
"There is, kind of coded into the DNA of these emerging powers, a deep skepticism of the West, in particular Western interventionism," Bosco says. "The Libya operation actually intensified that uncertainty and suspicion of Western intervention, because they saw the Libya intervention as regime change in the guise of humanitarian intervention."

Bosco, an assistant professor at the American University School of International Service, says there's another reason why these countries don't often align themselves with Washington. If the Security Council ever does expand, they'd need broad support.

"They have to think about not only how do we cultivate Washington, but how do we cultivate all the other small and midsized states around the world that are going to determine what the shape of the new Security Council will be," he says. "Russia and China, of course, are big players here, and they are an alternative pole of many of these issues on human rights and interventionism."
Eventually, Bosco believes, this dry run of sorts will sour the U.S. on the idea of Security Council expansion.

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DO
The gist is that the emerging powers do not live up to expectation. Why do we set the standard for them higher than the one for P-5? How long did it take for the EU to impose oil embargo on Syria? What did the U.S. do?