Showing posts with label corporate social responsibility (CSR). Show all posts
Showing posts with label corporate social responsibility (CSR). Show all posts

Re-Thinking Social Responsibility - corporate citizenship


Re-Thinking Social Responsibility
Paul Maidment, 01.25.08

Notes On The News With Paul Maidment

The definition of a company and its involvement in wider society is expanding, as is the expectations of shareholders, employees and consumers. Traditional corporate social responsibility is starting to be replaced with a new notion of corporate citizenship, which for larger companies means global corporate citizenship.

The social and corporate agenda is being integrated, and often involves partnership with other companies, government and nongovernmental organizations--which is a challenge to those who hold to the traditional narrow economic definition of a company as an entity that is meant to maximize profits for shareholders.

John Chambers, chief executive of Cisco Systems (nasdaq: CSCO - news - people ) and a poster child for corporate citizenship through Cisco's backing of the training of hundreds of thousands of engineers a year in developing economies, has no truck with that point of view. "The most successful in life have an obligation to give back. And it is not just the right thing to do; it is just plain good business," he says.

Four of the high-tech companies most involved in corporate citizenship, his own, Google (nasdaq: GOOG - news - people ), Microsoft (nasdaq: MSFT - news - people ) and Intel (nasdaq: INTC - news - people ), are four of the five most valuable companies, Chambers says.

On Thursday, at the World Economic Forum meeting here in Davos, Microsoft Chairman Bill Gates, in launching his campaign for creative capitalism, pointed out that companies are doing a lot for society's benefit, but much of it has little impact.

Peter Sands, group chief executive of Standard Chartered (other-otc: SCBEF.PK - news - people ), which operates widely in the developing world, offers four benchmarks against which companies can judge which corporate citizenship projects to get involved with. They should be relevant to the markets a company operates in; leverage a company's competencies and infrastructure; have the potential to extend existing business lines or become a new business; and offer an opportunity to make a distinctive impact.

Sands' bank's commitment to making $500 million available for microfinance passes his four tests, as does its support for a program tackling preventable blindness, a project undertaken in partnership with nongovernmental organizations.

"A lot of social issues have to be done in partnership with governments," says PepsiCo (nyse: PEP - news - people ) Chairman and Chief Executive Indra Nooyi, who has made corporate citizenship a part of her company in the past year. "If societies succeed, companies succeed. We all act in enlightened self-interest, so it is critically important that partnerships work."

But governments, she says, have to accept that companies are a force for good in society, both commercially and morally. The same, too, applies to nongovernmental organizations, which are often even more suspicious of business.

Governments, for their part, are becoming more aware of their limitations, a point made with disarming honesty by U.K. Prime Minister Gordon Brown. He has been a champion of the Millennium Development Goals, intended to improve the living standards of the world's poorest people, goals Brown said Friday would not be met buy the target date of 2015 unless the effort was redoubled. Those goals won't be met, he says, "unless there is a private, voluntary sector and government partnerships."

In areas like the environment, "governments have to understand they have to make it possible for companies to effect change," he says.

That will involve incentives such as tax breaks, but also an understanding that governments at times need to let go and to see companies as providers not just of resources but also resourcefulness.

Turning good intentions into success from a company's point of view is no easy matter. PepsiCo's Nooyi says it is essential to get the whole company committed to the cause. Cisco's Chambers says one of the big reasons his company gives is that his employees want it to. Cisco wins awards for being one of the best companies to work for, which helps with staff retention, he adds.

Chambers also points to the need for long-term commitment and says private-public partnerships are essential so there is a holistic approach. It is no use training engineers unless there are economic policies that create the jobs for them to go to.

Cisco and PepsiCo are still in the minority of companies that see corporate citizenship as core to their business. But consumers are increasingly demanding that companies produce environmentally friendly products and show a sensitivity to other issues such as education or labor conditions.

Witness ProductRed, a scheme founded by U2's Bono and philanthropist Bobby Shriver, in which a group of companies such as Motorola (nyse: MOT - news - people ), the Gap (nyse: GPS - news - people ) and now Dell (nasdaq: DELL - news - people ) (see "Dispatches From Davos") donate a portion of the sales of certain products to help fund AIDS research in Africa. Gates says the scheme has generated $50 million for that cause.

The biggest contribution that companies make to society is by being a good company, serving customers and creating value, says Standard Chartered's Sands. But the sweet spot, he adds, is to do all that and help address the big issues.

He quotes the billions of financing and advisory services his bank is making available in Africa, Asia and the Middle East for research and development of clean and renewable energy. "I make no apology--we fully intend to make lots of money out of doing his," he says. "But it is a way we can play our role in addressing the issues of climate change."

Three Strikes against Apple


Three Strikes against Apple

June 27, 2011 · By Peter Certo

There's too much blood on its phones, laptops, and tablets.

In college, I considered my Apple laptop a faithful, effective, and occasionally even fun machine. A year past graduation, this constant companion to late nights spent studying, working, or wasting time has aged into a decrepit device. Like the old Windows hourglass, its colorful pinwheel cursor consistently heralds interminable delays.

Similarly, my prehistoric mobile phone frequently freezes, drops calls, or prematurely runs out of battery power. Even in those treasured moments when it operates at capacity, it lacks the touch screen, email, and Internet capabilities today's savvy consumers supposedly demand. By all indications, I'm ripe for an upgrade to a new MacBook, iPhone, or iPad.

Here's why I'm taking a pass.


Apple, like most other electronics companies, makes liberal use of an ore called columbite-tantalite — widely known as coltan — whose electrical retention properties improve the battery lives of electronic devices. While Australia is the world's largest coltan producer, suppliers for Apple and its competitors often prefer to buy their coltan at lower cost from mining operations in war-ravaged eastern Congo.

The money from these transactions rarely reaches the miners themselves. Rather, it's funneled to Rwandan- and Ugandan-backed rebel groups inside the Congo who control the mines and use the revenues to fund their operations in the world's deadliest conflict since World War II. Promises by the Congolese government to shutter such mines and by Apple to scrutinize its supply chains have rung ineffectual and hollow.

This "blood coltan" and other components make their way to China, where contractors assemble products for Apple and virtually every other major electronics company. Journalist and playwright Mike Daisey visited the Shenzhen, China base of operations for Foxconn, a Taiwanese manufacturing behemoth who reportedly assembles half of the world's electronics.

He reported interviewing workers who often labored for anywhere from 12 to 16 hours straight or longer, standing interminably and finding little compensation for the inevitable health problems and unpaid overtime that result from such treatment.   He also met dozens of child laborers, who often lived with their coworkers in cramped company dormitories under constant surveillance for any hint of complaint or worker organization.

The facility made news last year for a ghastly streak of worker suicides. Today's Foxconn employees are mildly better compensated, but they must agree to sign "no-suicide" pacts with the company — although the complex now features a network of "suicide nets," just in case.

Finally, inside the United States, where Apple reaps the benefits of America's taxpayer-funded physical and legal infrastructure — and makes billions off U.S. consumers — the company (Apple) has lent its support to the ironically named "Win America" campaign.

Supported by several other tax-dodging corporations, Apple is lobbying Congress to let the company repatriate and keep some $4 billion in profits currently stashed in offshore tax havens.  This is money that would otherwise be owed to the U.S. government.  At a moment of fiscal austerity, when Congress and state legislatures are gutting programs that assist our most vulnerable citizens, Apple — like all corporations and billionaires that have benefited handsomely from the U.S. system — should pay its fair share.

Industry analysts have estimated the total production costs for iPhones and iPads at a small fraction of the company's revenues, especially in light of those lucrative monthly contracts and endless "app" sales.  Apple can hardly argue that such abusive practices are necessary to its bottom line.  But even if they were, do you really want blood on your phone, laptop, or tablet?

Apple, of course, makes any number of innovative products.  But being an innovator in technology shouldn't require being a reactionary on human rights — or being a shameless tax cheat. As an industry leader with ballooning profit margins,  (1) Apple can afford to get its coltan from Australia. (2) It can shoulder the costs of a living wage and basic labor standards for its workers. And (3) it can surely pay its taxes.

But for now, Apple has perpetuated the relentless violence in the Congo, abused hard-working and disenfranchised laborers in China, and, for good measure, sought to stiff the American taxpayers who have made it so wealthy.

Sorry, Apple. That's three strikes.

Microsoft and Russia

Microsoft and Russia The International Herald Tribune September 17, 2010 Friday

Microsoft Click for Enhanced Coverage Linking Searchesmade the right decision to stop helping Russian authorities use claims of software piracy to harass and silence dissenters. On Monday, it announced that it is barring its lawyers from taking part in such cases and will provide a blanket software license to advocacy groups and news media outlets in Russia, undercutting the Kremlin's tactic.

Still, Microsoft's Click for Enhanced Coverage Linking Searcheswillingness to lend itself to politically motivated investigations - it changed course only after an article by Clifford Levy in The New York Times on Sunday - suggests a shocking failure of corporate responsibility. The Times said lawyers for Microsoft Click for Enhanced Coverage Linking Searchesbolstered state police in politically tinged cases across Russia. After police seized a dozen computers from a Siberian environmental group, the group said all its software was legally licensed and asked Microsoft Click for Enhanced Coverage Linking Searchesto confirm this. Microsoft Click for Enhanced Coverage Linking Searcheswould not. The police used information from the computers to track down and interrogate some of the group's supporters. Before changing policy on Monday, Microsoft Click for Enhanced Coverage Linking Searchesexecutives said the company was required under Russian law to take part in such inquiries.

Unfortunately, Microsoft Click for Enhanced Coverage Linking Searchesis not the only American company that has failed to stand up for the rights of its customers in undemocratic countries. In China, all search engines have helped the state control access to the Internet. In 2004, Yahoo helped Beijing's state police uncover the Internet identities of two Chinese journalists, who were then sentenced to 10 years in prison for disseminating pro-democracy writings online. The one company that has stood up to China is Google. Click for Enhanced Coverage Linking SearchesIn March, after five years of complicity with Beijing's censors, it began redirecting searches to its unfiltered engine in Hong Kong.

By contrast, Microsoft's Click for Enhanced Coverage Linking Searchesfounder and chairman, Bill Gates, defended the company's continued collaboration with China's censors. ''You've got to decide: Do you want to obey the laws of the countries you're in, or not?'' he said during Beijing's fight with Google. Click for Enhanced Coverage Linking Searches''If not, you may not end up doing business there.''

In 2008, Microsoft Click for Enhanced Coverage Linking Searchesand Yahoo joined fellow businesses, human rights organizations and other groups in the Global Network Initiative and pledged to protect privacy and freedom of expression online. But declarations are cheap. They must put principle before profit and refuse to aid and abet repression. Microsoft Click for Enhanced Coverage Linking Searchescan show that it now truly gets it by extending its offer of a blanket license to political and news media groups in China and other repressive countries around the world.

Human Rights & Business: Beyond Corporate Social Responsibility

(Delighted to welcome back alumna Nadia Bernaz, who contributes this guest post)

With BP making the headlines with the industrial disaster in the Gulf of Mexico (prior IntLawGrrlsposts), many have been asking the question of how and whether giant corporations can be made accountable for their actions.
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The fact is that a combination common in the Western world -- tighter laws governing pollution and higher standards -- has not worked. Rather, it has often meant that multinational corporations, which no longer have to respect national boundaries, move elsewhere, where standards are lax and land and labour is cheap.
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The growing movement for volunteerism among corporate entities based on corporate social responsibility has had some benefit: it has highlighted the social responsibility that companies have when they invest in a given area. (Prior IntLawGrrls posts) However, it has also allowed many corporations to engage in green-washing their image through the display of sophisticated policies printed in expensive brochures.
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A new story that has attracted some attention recently concerns the activities of the Vedanta mining concern, one of Britain’s largest companies, who have built an aluminium producing plant in Orissa, in the east of India. Vedanta now wishes to mine bauxite in the region in order to get the plant running at full capacity.
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Orissa is one of India’s least developed states, with some of the poorest people in the world, with many indigenous tribes among them. It has been known for a long time that this part of India holds significant deposits of mineral resources, but with India speeding towards accelerated development, these resources have suddenly become crucial to sustaining growth.
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Vedanta maintain that their mining activities would bring jobs and increasing wealth to the local population. However, the indigenous Dongria Kondh tribe strongly oppose mining in their sacred mountains, and are concerned about the environmental
impact of this activity in the region.
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An Amnesty International report issued in February supports their view.) The tribal members argue that they do not want to change their ancestral way of life, and have no interest in the type of development Vedanta has promised them. (credit for photo by Parth Sanyal /Reuters, captioned "A tribal woman with her child near the mining site of the alumina refinery in Orissa state")
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From an international legal perspective, the Vedanta story raises several important issues:
► The increased power of transnational corporations has made the seeking of accountability for their actions extremely difficult in environments where they may be able to operate freely, and often with the complicity of the government.
► While globalisation itself cannot be regulated, it is clear that new norm creation activities have been taking place in international law, not least with the presence of the World Trade Organisation.
► However, little of the ethos concerning human development and poverty alleviation feeds into these important discussions.
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To address these challenges, my home institution, Middlesex University in London, England, has created an MA programme in Human Rights and Business. The course covers areas of law such as international human rights law and the law of the WTO, and explores the relevance of these areas to multinational corporations -- especially those corporations operating in emerging economies. The modules are deliberately human rights law-centred, and go significantly beyond the concept of corporate social responsibility. The programme itself is tailored for busy professionals with significant online content and class contact restricted to two days a month (Friday-Saturday). More information here

Judge Upholds Chevron-Ecuador Arbitration

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703625304575115730676032238.html

NEW YORK—A U.S. judge declined Thursday to stay an international arbitration in a dispute between Ecuador's government and Chevron Corp. over who should pay for alleged environmental damages in the country's Amazon region.

In a ruling from the bench, U.S. District Judge Leonard B. Sand in Manhattan said Chevron's claim that Ecuador's government has infringed on its right to due process in a $27 billion environmental lawsuit there is a claim that can be arbitrated.

As a result, "a stay of arbitration is inappropriate," the judge said.

The arbitration panel has been chosen, but it's unclear how quickly an arbitration could be heard. The timing and scope of the arbitration would be up to the panel, the judge said.

Ecuador filed a lawsuit against Chevron in U.S. District Court in Manhattan in December, seeking to stop an arbitration by Chevron under the rules of the U.N. Commission on International Trade Law, or Uncitral.

Chevron had requested international arbitration in September, claiming Ecuador's government was interfering in a long-running lawsuit brought by local indigenous groups over alleged environmental damage caused by Texaco Inc. and is violating a prior agreement releasing Texaco from environmental claims. Chevron acquired Texaco in 2001.

Ecuador's government has denied any interference.

C. MacNeil Mitchell, a lawyer for Ecuador, said the republic is considering whether to appeal the decision.

Kent Robertson, a Chevron spokesman, said the judge's ruling was an important development in its efforts to pursue arbitration.

The arbitration panel "is one of the few bodies that can compel Ecuador to do the right thing and clean up the Amazon," Mr. Robertson said. "With today's decision, we are one step closer to making that a reality."

Jonathan S. Abady, a lawyer for the indigenous groups, called the move for arbitration a "collateral attack" on its litigation, designed to decide the issues at the heart of their case without the plaintiffs having a say.

The indigenous groups have argued in part that the remediation agreement with Ecuador's government doesn't release Chevron from environmental claims in lawsuits by third parties, just claims by that country's government.

The lawsuit by the indigenous groups, known as the Lago Agrio case, is continuing in Ecuador. A new judge was appointed in Ecuador in the Lago Agrio case last month.

Another Ecuadorean judge recused himself last year after Chevron released videos that the company claims show improper dealings by the judge.

The case was originally brought in U.S. District Court in Manhattan in 1993, but the court found the case should be heard in Ecuador. The indigenous groups brought their suit in Ecuador in 2003.

Human rights (the World Bank way)

http://www.brettonwoodsproject.org/art-566445

Most of the world’s governments have ratified at least one human rights treaty or convention. Kirk Herbertson, Kim Thompson and Robert Goodland of the World Resources Institute ask why the World Bank Group – which is owned by these same governments – is hesitant to discuss human rights openly.

The links between human rights and development are well understood. Studies have shown that many countries that demonstrate respect for human rights experience a higher rate of economic development. Yet, human rights standards are not only important for countries, but also for the development institutions that invest in them. In particular, these standards can help guide development institutions towards investments that focus on the needs of the poor and the vulnerable. Involving the poor in development decision-making can direct attention to the structural causes of poverty, including discrimination, exclusion, and lack of accountability. Human rights standards are also increasingly employed as a tool for managing risks and measuring the effectiveness of development.

Conversely, violations of human rights — such as the repression of dissent, loss of community access to food and water, dangerous labour conditions, or discrimination against poor communities — can prevent an investment from generating net development benefits.

The World Bank and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) – the private sector lending arm of the World Bank Group – have wrestled with human rights issues on many occasions. In January 2009, for example, the World Bank suspended a loan to Albania for coastal zone management, after an internal investigation found that the project failed to comply with the Bank’s involuntary resettlement policy, demolishing houses and leaving several families homeless. In June 2009, the IFC cancelled its loans to the Bertin cattle ranching project in the Brazilian Amazon two weeks after Greenpeace published a report entitled Slaughtering the Amazon, which documented the company’s destruction of indigenous peoples’ land and the use of slavery. In late 2009, an internal audit criticised the IFC’s investments in palm oil projects in Indonesia that affected poor and indigenous communities’ access to land. World Bank Group president Robert Zoellick responded by suspending further World Bank Group palm oil investments worldwide until a sector strategy is in place. In all of these cases, the World Bank Group could have improved the development outcomes of the projects through a more systematic identification and management of human rights risks.

Are human rights missing?

The World Bank Group has in place a number of environmental and social policies to help ensure that its investments ‘do no harm’ to people and the environment. In the 1980s, in response to public criticism of its involvement in controversial projects — such as Polonoroeste’s BR-364 Amazon highway programme in Brazil that uprooted indigenous communities, and the Narmada Dam in India that displaced 90,000 people — the Bank began to develop safeguard policies that require clients to consider the environmental and social implications of projects. These policies now require clients to conduct an environmental assessment and consider a project’s potential impacts on the surrounding communities before the World Bank approves financing.

The IFC followed with the adoption of its own policies. In 2006, the IFC established a set of ‘performance standards’ to guide its corporate clients in environmental and social risk management. These standards link explicitly to international labour conventions, but do not otherwise reference international human rights law. Through these standards, the IFC’s influence stretches far beyond its own portfolio, with more than 118 financial institutions and numerous companies having adopted them.

In May 2010, the IFC submitted a first draft of its revised performance standards to the board of directors for consideration. In an introduction to the draft, the IFC claimed that “businesses, civil society, and other stakeholders understand that social and environmental considerations in business contexts are broadly equivalent to human rights considerations” (p. 24). As a result, IFC considers its environmental and social risk management approach to adequately manage human rights risks. Bank staff often claim the same about their safeguard policies.

This is in contrast to the approach of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD, which is also owned by many of the same governments as the World Bank Group). In its 2008 environmental and social policy, the EBRD committed not to “knowingly finance projects that would contravene obligations under international treaties and agreements related to environmental protection, human rights and sustainable development as identified through project appraisal.” The World Bank has a similar policy for environmental obligations, but none for human rights (operational policy 4.01, para. 3).

Is the World Bank Group’s environmental and social risk management approach the same as human rights risk management? Certainly there is some overlap. For example, both World Bank and IFC policies seek to ensure that their investments do not harm local communities by mitigating pollution, health, and safety risks. But there are also many unique features of human rights risk management, which are not covered systematically in World Bank Group policies. A few examples include:

  • Due diligence to ensure that a project does not contravene a government’s obligations under international and national human rights law;
  • Assessment of affected communities’ ability to seek remedies for any harm suffered through an independent conflict resolution mechanism;
  • Disclosure to local communities that a project has been financed by the World Bank Group, and that they have access to the World Bank Group’s grievance mechanisms;
  • Recognition of the right to self-determination of indigenous peoples, including through the UN principle of free, prior and informed consent for activities that affect them;
  • Clear exclusion from investment of inherently risky activities, such as large-scale evictions.

Human rights violations (ad, consequence) , if they occur, can potentially undermine a World Bank Group project — by making the project financially unviable, creating reputational risk for the companies and organizations involved, or undermining the intended development outcomes of the project.

Understandably, when World Bank Group staff members are not aware of human rights standards, they are unlikely to raise these issues with clients. A 2009 internal World Bank Group survey, for example, found that “overall, staff view human rights positively and think that they often deal with human rights-related topics in their work, but have little knowledge about formal and institutional human rights frameworks and their role in the development process.”

Barriers to rights integration

Even as an economic development institution, there are benefits to identifying and managing human rights risks (ad, above "consequence"). Nevertheless, human rights integration remains weak across the World Bank Group.

Unresolved legal obligations are the principal barrier. Under international law, the World Bank Group itself has not directly assumed any human rights obligations. When member governments created the World Bank in July 1945, they limited its mandate to ‘economic’ activities in order to safeguard the sovereignty of countries. At the time, member governments did not foresee that human rights, recognised one month earlier in the 1945 founding charter of the United Nations, would affect the Bank’s economic development mandate. Three years later, in 1948, governments adopted the Universal Declaration on Human Rights but have never revisited the World Bank’s Articles of Agreement to reflect the evolution of international human rights norms.

For many years, the World Bank Group considered human rights to be ‘political’ activities outside its mandate, but this has changed slightly. Currently, the World Bank Group’s official position is that it “may play a facilitative role in helping its members realise their human rights obligations.” This position has not led to a broader acceptance of human rights risk management across the World Bank Group.

While the World Bank Group’s legal position on human rights has slowly shifted, the approach of the executive board (composed of finance ministry representatives) has remained the same. The board has the responsibility of approving all policy reforms and investment decisions. In the past, some countries have opposed an explicit World Bank Group human rights policy, concerned that it would open the door to rankings, assessments, and censure of their human rights records. Even governments that have supported human rights in other forums have been hesitant to discuss human rights at the World Bank Group. This may be due to a lack of communication between governments’ finance ministries and their environmentally and socially-focused ministries.

The creation of the Nordic Trust Fund illustrates the sensitivity of human rights issues at the World Bank Group. The fund, originally proposed in 2006 as the Human Rights and Justice Trust Fund, was renamed in order to obtain board approval. After three years of delay, the $20 million fund began operating in 2009 with the purpose of increasing staff’s knowledge of the links between human rights and development through workshops and pilot programmes. While the fund plays an important role in educating World Bank Group staff about human rights issues, it is not permitted to suggest improvements in World Bank Group policies.

Opportunity to update the policies

Despite these challenges, there may be reason for optimism in the next few years. The World Bank Group is undertaking the largest set of reforms in its history. The board of directors is readjusting the balance of power of member governments to give greater voice to China, Brazil, India, and other emerging economies. These reforms could create an opportunity for governments to advance human rights dialogue without risk of World Bank Group interference in their internal affairs.*

(ad, which means, advancing human rights could mean intervention to developing countries. this might be more so if the hosting countries are not signatory to human rights instruments)

One starting point for dialogue could be human rights risk management for the World Bank Group’s private sector investments. In June 2008, the UN Human Rights Council unanimously affirmed the UN Framework on Business and Human Rights, which was prepared by John Ruggie, the UN Secretary General’s Special Representative for Business and Human Rights. The framework identifies three pillars of a corporate human rights risk management system, including a state duty to protect, corporate responsibility to respect, and access to remedies. Many governments on the World Bank Group’s board of directors have already endorsed the framework.

During the next few years, board members will have specific opportunities to integrate human rights risk management into policy reforms. The IFC is currently updating its sustainability framework, including the performance standards. Human rights have become a prominent issue in these discussions, and IFC has publicly endorsed the UN Framework on Business and Human Rights. Similarly, the World Bank is expanding its Forest Carbon Partnership Facility, which helps finance countries’ efforts to reduce emissions by avoiding deforestation and forest degradation (called REDD initiatives). The REDD initiatives have clear human rights implications, as they could potentially affect communities’ access to forest lands. The Facility provides an opportunity to integrate indigenous peoples’ rights and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples into the World Bank’s growing climate change portfolio. In 2010, the World Bank Group is also updating its energy strategy, which will guide its investments in the energy sector and serve as a model for countries that develop their own energy policies. This strategy review provides an opportunity for the World Bank Group to expand access to energy in a way that contributes to meeting the basic rights of the most vulnerable, avoids discrimination in energy provision, and ensures that clean energy development does not harm the rights of local communities.

Conclusion

The financial, food, water, and climate change crises have magnified the World Bank Group’s influence on development. At the same time, the shifting balance of nations is leading to changes in the World Bank Group’s governance, generating new priorities. These changes need not be inconsistent with a robust human rights framework. In fact, as this briefing suggests, a stronger approach to human rights risk management can strengthen development outcomes and enhance the World Bank Group’s ability to respond to global crises, in a way that promotes rights and empowers the poor. We encourage World Bank Group leadership to engage in more open dialogue on this important issue.

Labor Standards: There’s an App For That

Posted: 26 May 2010 06:10 PM PDT

by Roger Alford

The news coming out of China of ten suicide deaths at Foxconn industrial park is terribly distressing. All of the workers who committed suicide were recent high school or vocational training school graduates aged between 18 to 24. One of the fatalities, Sun Danyong, jumped to his death after being interrogated over a missing iPhone prototype. Foxconn, the makers of Apple iPhones and iPads, is now under international scrutiny for its working conditions and the news is not good. Not surprisingly, Apple (and other companies that purchase Foxconn products such as Dell and Hewlett-Packard) are also under intense scrutiny regarding their enforcement of supplier codes of conduct.

The New York Times reports that:

“Foxconn’s production line system is designed so well that no worker will rest even one second during work; they make sure you’re always busy for every second,” says Li Qiang, executive director of the China Labor Watch, a New York-based labor rights group. “Foxconn only values the enterprise benefits but totally ignores the social benefits. Those claims have been bolstered in recent weeks by some of China’s state-run newspapers, which have published a series of sensational reports about the suicides, alongside exposés detailing what they claim are the harsh conditions inside Foxconn factories. Some articles have described the company’s authoritarian management style, the heavy burdens workers face in trying to meet Foxconn production quotas. Others say the company has cramped dormitories that sometimes house 10 to a room.”

An Apple spokesman stated today that “a team from Apple is independently evaluating the steps they are taking to address these tragic events and we will continue our ongoing inspections of the facilities where our products are made.” Sounds good.

But it made me wonder what has Apple done prior to these tragedies to promote labor standards. The news isn’t pretty. Apple’s Supplier Code of Conduct is acceptable enough, limiting working hours to 60 hours per week (including overtime), requiring minimum wage and benefits consistent with local laws, and clean and safe dormitories with adequate heat, ventilation, personal space, and entry and exit privileges.

So does the reality match the rhetoric? When social auditors examined factory compliance, they found distressing news. Only 46% of their audited suppliers comply with Apple’s working hours requirements. This means a majority of Apple’s audited suppliers violate the 60 hour work week. Here’s what Apple’s 2010 Supplier Responsibility Progress Report says:

At 60 facilities [of the 102 audited], we found records that indicated workers had exceeded weekly work-hour limits more than 50 percent of the time. Similarly, at 65 [of the 102] facilities, more than half of the records we reviewed indicated that workers had worked more than six consecutive days at least once per month. To address these issues, we required each facility to develop management systems—or improve existing systems—to drive compliance with Apple’s limits on work hours and required days of rest.

Second, according to the report, 65% of the audited factories comply with the local minimum wage and benefit laws. In other words, one-third of Apple’s audited suppliers pay their employees below the minimum wages required by the local law. According to the report:

At 48 of the [102] facilities audited, we found that overtime wages had been calculated improperly, resulting in underpayment of overtime wages. At 24 facilities, our auditors found that workers had been paid less than minimum wage for regular working hours…. Another common violation we found was underpayment of legally required benefits. We found 57 facilities with deficient payments in work benefits such as sick leave, maternity leave, or social insurance for retirement.

Finally, the audit revealed a 51% compliance rate with respect to management accountability and responsibility. In other words, almost half of Apple’s audited suppliers do not evidence a commitment to corporate social responsibility. According to the report:

Our audits revealed 55 facilities [of the 102 audited] that did not have dedicated personnel accountable for compliance with all categories of Apple’s Code. Apple required the facilities to appoint qualified personnel, ensuring that responsibility and accountability for compliance are included in their job descriptions. These job descriptions include ownership of a process for correcting deficiencies identified by internal and external audits, written corrective action procedures, and verification of the completion of appropriate actions.

Apple’s report states that it “is committed to ensuring the highest standards of social responsibility throughout our supply base.” Today an Apple spokesman stated that the company is “saddened and upset” by the suicides and that Apple was determined to ensure that Foxconn workers were treated with respect and dignity. But if you scratch beneath the surface, Apple’s own social audit report paints a different picture of its suppliers. It is a picture of employees who are routinely being underpaid, overworked, and poorly supervised.