The real threat to U.S. national security, By RICHARD HAASS

The real threat to U.S. national security
By RICHARD HAASS | 10/7/13 3:21 PM EDT

The United States faces a number of serious challenges from abroad, including a more assertive China, terrorists, climate change, a North Korea with nuclear weapons and an Iran close to having them, and a turbulent Middle East. But the greatest threat to American national security comes from within — from our own political dysfunction.

The ongoing shutdown of the federal government is only the most recent example of this reality. It comes against the backdrop of sequestration (which cuts spending without regard to its economic consequences and fails to protect investment in the physical and human capital needed to make this country competitive over the long term) and the pending vote to raise the debt ceiling, the failure of which to pass would push interest rates higher, causing both economic growth and markets to plummet.

Some observers have noted the dangers posed to U.S. security by the shutdown, citing the furlough of federal employees who provide intelligence that helps keep us safe. This is true, but the consequences of what is going on (and not going on) within Congress and between Congress and the White House threaten U.S. national security in other, even more significant ways.

Foreign policy and a country’s reputation are as much about what it is as what it does. This country sacrificed an enormous amount in both lives and treasure in trying to spread democracy to the greater Middle East. One can argue the wisdom of having tried to do so, but what cannot be argued is that we are now discrediting democracy by shutting down our own government. The appeal of the American economic model took a major hit from the events of 2008; now we are doing the same to our political model. No one should be surprised when official entreaties to Egyptians go ignored, or when elites in China and other authoritarian societies conclude that their approach, for all its flaws, is still preferable to ours.

Even more dangerous is the likelihood that political disorder here at home will lead to political disorder abroad. The most important currency for a great power is to be reliable and predictable. Friends and allies count on it, as it is their principal source of security. Actual and would-be foes also need to take U.S. capacities and commitments into account, as they know that certain actions on their part will trigger a U.S. response, possibly military retaliation. In return, the United States derives influence and a more stable world.

America’s reputation for reliability was already suffering before the shutdown, in large part because of President Obama’s uncertain handling of the Syria crisis. The eleventh-hour decision to ask Congress for the authority to carry out limited military strikes against a Syrian government that had used chemical weapons was a source of dismay even to those who questioned the wisdom of the strikes themselves – especially as most observers judged this Congress would not support such Obama’s request.

Now comes the cancellation of the president’s trip to Asia, making a mockery of the “pivot” or rebalancing to that part of the world and away from the Middle East, which was the big strategic theme of Obama’s foreign policy. The result is that small countries in the region are more likely to acquiesce to Chinese demands, while stronger countries, such as Japan, are more likely to take it upon themselves to stand up to China. One can hear the tectonic plates shifting in a part of the world destined to shape much of the trajectory of the 21st century.
Meanwhile, in the Middle East, uncertainty about U.S. behavior has led a number of longstanding partners to discount U.S. preferences and simply conduct their own foreign policy. One sees this in Saudi policy toward Egypt and Syria — and we could well see more of it in Israel’s policy toward Iran.

Speaking of Iran, it is unclear that Obama could persuade Congress to go along with any easing of sanctions, sure to be a necessary part of any deal limiting Iran’s nuclear program. The same holds for trade policy: Even if the U.S. trade representative manages to conclude negotiations with his Asian counterparts, no one can predict with confidence that an increasingly isolationist Congress would go along.

So where will divisions inside the Beltway lead us in the world outside? The short answer is that American political dysfunction is hastening the emergence of a post-American world. It is not that the primacy of the United States will come to be replaced by anyone else – no other country has the capacity or habits to take on such a role – but rather that this world will be one defined by growing disarray. A failure of governance in the United States is leading to a failure of governance in the world.

Americans are kidding themselves if they think they can insulate themselves from such a world. Globalization will visit us, whether we like it or not, whether we are ready or not.

So Americans should see the government shutdown and what it represents for what it is: a threat to this country’s national security. Those who oppose Obamacare should try to amend or repeal it thorough normal legislative processes; failing that, they should try to elect those who are like-minded. In the meantime, the government must open, including ensuring that the United States meets its obligations, financial and otherwise. If this requires the White House and the Congress meeting halfway, so be it. It is time to put country before party and politics.


Richard Haass is president of the Council on Foreign Relations and the author of Foreign Policy Begins at Home: The Case for Putting America’s House in Order.