Putin's re-emergence -- the reset is over


The Diane Rehm Show , May 11, 2012
MS. DIANE REHM
Thanks for joining us. I'm Diane Rehm. Twin suicide bombings in Syria kill at least 55 and injure hundreds. Voters in France and Greece oust incumbent leaders and Russia clamps down on protests of Vladimir Putin's return to the presidency. Joining me to talk about the week's top international stories on the Friday News Roundup, David Sanger of The New York Times, Susan Glass of Foreign Policy magazine and Matt Frei of the UK's Channel 4 News

REHM
I want ask you all about Vladimir Putin, his reemergence, his reelection, his re-inauguration to the presidency did not leave all of Russia happy
GLASSER
Vladimir Putin came right back in the style to which he was accustomed ..  he's the guy who came to power in late 1999, total obscurity. …  go out and have a war in Chechnya.
And I know both sides (Putin and Obama) are trying to put a little bit of face-saving gloss in it, but the message was crystal clear.  That reset, over.
FREI
Apparently Obama only called Putin to congratulate him on his reelection three days after the event, which is a pregnant pause if ever there was one, and that was one of the reasons why Putin then snubbed him by deciding that he couldn't come because he was too busy organizing the cabinet. 


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Will Putin delete the reset?
CHARLES GRANT , April 5, 2012, The International Herald Tribune  

Vladimir Putin's return to the Russian presidency is likely to cool relations with Washington.

(conclusion)
In February 2009, Vice President Joe Biden called for the reset button to be pressed in the U.S.-Russia relationship, and for the next three years Presidents Barack Obama and Dmitri Medvedev fostered a rapprochement between Washington and Moscow.  However, the message I picked up from recent conversations in Moscow was that the reset is unlikely to survive Vladimir Putin's return to the Russian presidency in May.
(both Washington and Moscow benefited from the reset)
Russia –
(i) sharing civil nuclear power technology,
(ii) help with its W.T.O. membership application, and
(iii) an implicit understanding that the United States would not directly challenge Russia's key interests in its backyard (for example, in Ukraine
The US -
(i), men and supplies for the NATO mission in Afghanistan pass through Russia
(ii) Moscow refused to deliver S-300 surface-to-air missiles to Iran
(iii) Both parties were happy to sign the New Start agreement that will reduce their strategic nuclear arsenals
(iv) U.N. Security Council Resolution 1973, .. military intervention in Libya. That decision - opposed by Prime Minister Putin and much of the Russian security establishment
The reset brought benefits to both sides. Moscow obtained an accord on sharing civil nuclear power technology, help with its W.T.O. membership application, and an implicit understanding that the United States would not directly challenge Russia's key interests in its backyard (for example, in Ukraine).
The United States benefited from Moscow allowing men and supplies for the NATO mission in Afghanistan to pass through Russia. Moscow refused to deliver S-300 surface-to-air missiles to Iran. Both parties were happy to sign the New Start agreement that will reduce their strategic nuclear arsenals.
The personal chemistry between Medvedev and Obama made a difference, as in March 2011, when Medvedev decided not to veto U.N. Security Council Resolution 1973, which provided the legal justification for military intervention in Libya. That decision - opposed by Prime Minister Putin and much of the Russian security establishment - gave the United States and its allies the legal cover to intervene militarily in Libya.

Putin, has a less benign view of the United States
Putin, who has remained the preeminent political figure in the Kremlin during the Medvedev presidency, allowed the reset to happen, though he never used the word. He is less of a natural diplomat than Medvedev, and has a less benign view of the United States.
During the recent presidential election campaign in Russia, Putin resorted to tough anti-American rhetoric, accusing opposition demonstrators of being paid by the United States. Putin's recent newspaper articles also suggest that he sees U.S. hegemony as a bigger problem than the rise of Chinese power.
Those who have heard him talk in private say that Putin's suspicion and mistrust of the United States is genuine, rather than mere electoral rhetoric.
thorny issues
human rights
missile-defense
Syria : 
Russian strategists view the turmoil in the Middle East almost exclusively in terms of a conflict between Iran, on the one hand, and Saudi Arabia and the U.S. on the other
Syria is Iran’s ally  
Putin opposes intervention in Syria  
Syria buys a lot of Russian arms, provides Russia with a naval base and helps to prevent U.S.-Saudi dominance in the Middle East

Any arguments over human rights are likely to cause further strains in the relationship. Within Russia, NGOs funded by Western foundations are facing new forms of harassment.
Another thorny issue is missile defense. Much of the Russian security establishment appears to believe that America's plans for missile defense are aimed at Russia, though the Americans say that Iran is the rationale. Russian strategists worry that the American plans could require them to rethink the concept of ''mutually-assured destruction,'' although those plans, if fully implemented, could not stop Russia obliterating the U.S. if it wished to do so. Medvedev has threatened to respond to the U.S. scheme by deploying cruise missiles to Kaliningrad and building Russian missile defense systems.
Syria and Iran are causing great strains. Russian strategists view the turmoil in the Middle East almost exclusively in terms of a conflict between Iran, on the one hand, and Saudi Arabia and the U.S. on the other. Syria is not only Iran's ally but also Russia's best friend in the region. Russia has friendly relations with Iran, but not Saudi Arabia.
Many Russians believe that geopolitics will drive the U.S. to use force against not only Iran but also Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria. They believe that only ill will come of the Arab Spring and predict that many countries will end up with extreme Islamist regimes backed by Saudi Arabia.
Putin is ardently opposed to any kind of humanitarian intervention in Syria. This position is based partly on principle, notably a strong attachment to absolute state sovereignty. His belief that the West abused the terms of Resolution 1973 to justify striking Libya has reinforced his hostility to Western intervention elsewhere. The position is based partly on realpolitik: Syria buys a lot of Russian arms, provides Russia with a naval base and helps to prevent U.S.-Saudi dominance in the Middle East.
cooperation b/w Washington and Moscow
Afghanistan - against the spread of Islamist fundamentalism ; on counter-narcotics operations

Afghanistan, by contrast, has fostered cooperation between Washington and Moscow. Russia views the U.S. presence in the country as a bulwark against the spread of Islamist fundamentalism, and they work together on counter-narcotics operations. But many Russians believe that when U.S. troops depart in 2014, the Americans will have fewer reasons to collaborate with Moscow.
Cooler relations with Russia would not likely harm Obama in the U.S. presidential race, since Mitt Romney, the presumed Republican candidate, has attacked him for being soft on Russia.
Why they should be more cooperative
The U.S. needs Russia's help in the U.N. Security Council in tackling Iran and other problems in the Middle East
stormy relations with the West could hold back the modernization of the Russian economy

In any case, both the next U.S. president and Putin are likely to see good reasons to stop the U.S.-Russia relationship turning hostile. The U.S. needs Russia's help in the U.N. Security Council in tackling Iran and other problems in the Middle East. And Putin knows that stormy relations with the West could hold back the modernization of the Russian economy.
But it won't be the reset, or the cordiality, that Obama had with Medvedev.

NOTES: is director of the Center for European Reform