DOng's blog post on 북한인권법 South Korea's North Korea human rights bill


South Korea’s North Korea human rights bill … why it is stuck on the tracks

On Thursday, August 16, 2012, the President of the United States signed into law the “Ambassador James R. Lilley and Congressman Stephen J. Solarz North Korea Human Rights Reauthorization Act of 2012," which reauthorizes the North Korean Human Rights Authorization Act of 2004.  In South Korea, by contrast, the North Korea human rights bill (Bill) that has been proposed several times by the conservative party is nowhere near seeing the light of day.  Although liberal parties agree with the purpose of the Bill – to improve human rights in the North – they have persistently opposed the Bill, because, they argue, the Bill is ineffective in fulfilling its purpose; instead it will likely be used to fund civil society organizations that share conservative ideals regarding North Korea, which they believe ultimately increase, not alleviate, tension in the Korean Peninsula.  This blog post is to help you better understand their arguments and intends not to take a position on whether the Bill should be passed into law, which I would leave to you.

The meat of the Bill includes:  
-      establishing a North Korea human rights advisory council within the Ministry of Unification that would provide advisory opinions to the Minister of Unification in setting a North Korea human rights blueprint,   
-      creating the Office of the Special Envoy for Human Rights in North Korea within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade charged with coordinating international efforts to promote human rights in the North,
-      monitoring humanitarian aid by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as well as government agencies to make sure the aid reaches intended beneficiaries and is not diverted to the military,
-      setting up a North Korea human rights foundation under the Minister of Unification, whose missions include making grants to North Korea human rights NGOs, and        
-      creating a North Korea human rights archive within the Ministry of Justice. 

Most of these provisions are not novel ideas or mechanisms in addressing North Korea human rights issues. Both the Ministry of Unification and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade have long engaged on the issue of North Korea human rights.  The archive is already in the National Human Rights Commission of Korea.  Nevertheless, human rights in the North did not improve because of the work of the South Korean government.  The one new concept introduced in this Bill is one that allows taxpayers’ money to fund North Korea NGOs; it is also the main source of controversy over the Bill.  Then the question to ask is, will the NGOs funding provision – a new measure – be effective in improving the human rights situation in the North? 

Liberal parties justly point out that the North Korea Human Rights Act of the U.S. (Act) proved otherwise.  To facilitate the dissemination of information in the North, the Act authorized the President of the U.S. to provide grants to broadcast organizations, including Radio Free Asia and Voice of America.  While having a positive impact on people outside the North, such as North Korean refugees and defectors, the Act did little to improve human rights inside North Korea.  

The same goes true for the Bill, liberal parties argue.  Cynically dubbing the Bill as a “leaflet bill,” they assume that it will likely fund the NGOs mainly interested in sending balloons and leaflets containing information that criticizes the Kim regime.  As with the broadcast organizations, this measure will prove ineffective, only to provoke the North Korean government and, therefore, seriously hamper any future efforts of the South Korean government toward peaceful engagement with the North.         

Admittedly, those who oppose the Bill fail to come up with an immediately effective way of fulfilling the purpose of the Bill, i.e., improving human rights in the North, which would constitute an alternative to sending balloons and leaflets.  Instead, they emphatically remind us that we do not have the luxury of confronting a simple question when it comes to issues dealing with North Korea.

Although the Act of the U.S. reportedly inspired the Bill of South Korea, as evidenced by their similarities, there are inherent differences between the two countries in terms of strategic interest vis-à-vis North Korea.  For example, for South Korea, a peaceful unification has the potential to lead to a major breakthrough on the South Korean economy that is currently stagnant and raise it to the next level by expanding the domestic market and taking advantage of natural resources and cheap labor in North Korea, making the unification arguably an event of existential consequence for South Korea.  Parenthetically, the unification may be the surest way to improve human rights in the North.  The U.S., however, probably sees the unification through the lens of regional balance of power with China in mind. 

On the other hand, if the South Korean government only employs the stick against North Korea and calls on the international community to coalesce around it, the consequent isolation will probably accelerate subordination of the North’s economy to China, as is happening as I speak.  To make matter worse, if the South and North confrontation worsens and an armed conflict somehow arises, it would be Koreans both South and North, not Americans, who would sustain catastrophic damages.  Thus, South Koreans have every reason to develop their own policy toward North Korea distinct from that of the U.S. and, in so doing, should resist the temptation to expect simple answers to this difficult question.                   

Some of those who oppose the Bill believe that it is time to bridge philosophical differences over how to see and deal with North Korea through public discussions rather than pressing with the Bill that polarizes South Korean society without yielding pragmatic solutions.